The Romantic period (1798-1837) was a very important period of the history of the England.  There is no generally accepted definition of the word “Romantic”. The term first appeared in England in 17^th century in the sense of extravagant fictitious, unreal, but the end of 18^th  century it had already assumed a some what different meaning and it was particularly connected with feelings imagination and emotional pleasures.

In literature it was applied to a movement (not implying an actual school but rather a spirit, a state of mind).

It was not limited to England alone but appeared in most western countries between the late 18^th century and the third decade of the 19^th century. The dates are obviously approximate: there are however certain historical events which can be cited as reference points since with their enphasis on freedom and democratization, they forested the growth of Romanticism and its future development.

These historical events are the American Revolution, the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. For some time almost every english man of letters was strongly sympathetic to the democratic ideals coming from America, and to the french fight for “liberty, equality and fraternity”.

But the period of the Terror in France, with its violent purges left many disillusioned and eventually turned them into conservatives.

As for Napoleon althought admired by some writers as a symbol of titanic individual grandeur, he aroused a wave of nationalism of over the country through his increasingly treatening plans for invasion.

As a literary movement english Romanticism presented a clear and sharp break with the insistence on reason, common sense and realism that had characterized the Augustan Age. It encouraged individualism and the free expression of personal feelings and turned to emotion and imagination as sources of inspiration.

The literary background of the romantic movement is very complex. Besides the above mentioned historical events other factors of great importance were: the philosophical thought of such french writers as Voltaire and Rousseau with their attaks on privilege and social stratification and their concern with nature and man’s emotional and imaginative powers; the german literary movement called “Sturm und Drang” which reached its climax in the 1770. It was strongly nationalist and included among its members such names as Goethe and Schiller.

It was inspired by Rousseau’s idealism, it emphasized the value of the individual, opposed the rationalism and it revolted against the dependence of literature on ancient classical canons and advocated a return to nature.

The way was thus ready for the literary movement which spread throughout Europe and which proved essentially philosophical in Germany, revolutionary in France, patriotic in Italy and literary in England.

The Romantic Poetry  in England

The english romantic period was dominated above all by poetry, since it was in poetry that the renewed interest in imagination and the emotions found its ideal vehicle. It was however a type of poetry different to anything previous both in form and content.

The language was also affected by new ideas of simplicity and democratization: artificial poetic diction was replaced by a kind of language really spoken by ordinary people. Now will say the principal themes and features of the romantic poetry in England.

Although moderately concerned with the political and social problems of his time the romantic poet tended to withdraw into himself indulging in introspection and meditation.

Egotism and individualism led in turn to a costant intrusion of the poet himself into his work. As never  before in literature the poet spoke of himself, of his joyes and fears, of his melancholy and triumphs of his passions and his rebellions. Romantic poets in fact especially the younger ones turned into social rebels and opposed society or rejected its traditional moral codes and its traditional values.

In some poets this spirit of revolt and defiance resulted in a sort of titanism in an overstatement of passions. In others it led to the exaltation of the irrational and mystic aspects of life and a concern with the supernatural.

Some looked for solace in an idealized hellenism inspired by a greek ideal of beauty and by the concept of poetry for poetry’s sake. Others romantic english poets found the escape from reality in the exotic and distant following the lead of the Gothic novels.

This love for the strange, the exotic and the distant also informed the new interest in history and especially in the Middle Age, the historic period that was loved by the romantic writers. During the Augustan Age writers had also looked back to the past but they had focused for the most past on the ancient Greece and Rome. Unlike them romantic poets turned to other aspects of the past and motivated by Percy’s collection of medieval ballats, they looked to the Middle Age for inspiration and they rediscovered the fascination of the past writers. But while the Augustan writers had tried to adere faitfully to their classical models, the romantic writers revisited the past through their imagination. Imagination or rather belief in imagination as part of the individual became the distinguishing feature of the romantic writers. Far from simply meaning daydreaming as it had previously done imagination came to mean the highest and noblest gift of the poet using it as a God-like faculty. For the romantic poets the imagination was able to modify or even re-create the world around the romantic writers.

The attempt to see the imaginative ideal everywhere in real life led in turn to romantic melancholy, since the ideal is not attainable in everyday existence.

All the romantic poets turned to the nature and devoted themselves to recording its beauty as a counterpart to the sordid ugliness of the industrial towns. Many romantic poets are in fact poets of nature, far from the pastoral convention of the Augustan Age.

The romantic poets conveyed a new sense of intimate communion between nature and man, to different but inseparable parts of the same universe.

We can say that the romantic conception of the nature was influenced by three philosophical theories: Platonism or rather Renaissance Neoplatonism, which saw this world as the image of an ideal metaphysical world; Pantheism, according to which nature like the rest of universe was moved by a Mighty Power, an immanent God whose presence is manifest in every stone and every tree; German Idealism with the three great philosophers Fichte, Shelling and Hegel.

Shelling in particular with his philosophy of art (seen as the supreme moment when man trough unconscious intuition can grasp the truth lying behind the reality) and his conception of nature (considered as something alive, sharing man’s own feelings since they are both driven by the same animating principle) had a deep impact on the development of romantic ideas.

Romantic poets are usually divided into two groups conventionally definited as First Generation and Second Generation.

The Romantic Prose in England

The prose of the english romantic period includes the regional novel, the historical romance and the domestic novel but in this article we will say something only about the historical romance that must be considered the major expression of english romantic prose.

Walter Scott was the major exponent of the historical romance a new type of novel. The principal features of this new type of novel are: the union of tradition and romance, the union of historical events and imaginary heros and the vitality of the past.

The union of tradition and romance is an important characteristic of this novels in which Scott and other writers combined the domestic novel with elements of romance.

The union of historical events and imaginary heros is another characteristic of historical romance.

For example in Ivanhoe of Walter Scott the hero is not king Richard the Lion Hearth but Wilfred of Ivanhoe an imaginary Saxon nobleman.

The vitality of the past is the third characteristic of the historical romance.

For example Walter Scott in Ivanhoe captured the spirit of an age and the causes of historical events of a period doing vitality to the past.

We can conclude our work showing that Manzoni himself admitted his debt to Scott in a letter to his friend Fauriel: Manzoni in his Promessi Sposi wanted that the heros and the heroines are unknown people and not the great protagonists of historical events as in historical romance of Walter Scott.

* * *

Bibliography

G. Pellegrino, Il preromanticismo e l’inizio del romanticismo in Germania, centrostudilaruna.it

G. Pellegrino, La concezione dell’uomo e del mondo nel romanticismo italiano, centrostudilaruna.it

G. Pellegrino, La filosofia della storia di Hegel, centrostudilaruna.it

G. Pellegrino, I principali elementi del pensiero di Vittorio Alfieri, centrostudilaruna.it

G. Pellegrino, I miti della società contemporanea, New Grafic Service, Salerno, 2004

It was remarked above that through the action of heredity prehistoric European racial characteristics may have been occasionally preserved in isolated cases down to the present day.

The races that are now living, and have been living since Neolithic times, in Europe were preceded by several races in Palaeolithic times, who occupied in turn wide stretches of Europe over long periods of time. Here we cannot go into these Palaeolithic races¹. The appearance in prehistory of the European races of today can likewise only be briefly dealt with.

They are found from the time of the beginning of the Neolithic Age, that is, from over ten thousand years ago.

In North-west Europe it is the Nordic race which appears, whose original home must be sought there. In the British Isles, France, Spain, and Italy, it is the Mediterranean race. The Alpine race seems to have spread from the Alps westward and north-westward. To-day we can say but little as to the first appearance of the Dinaric race; probably it must have originally formed a single group with the Hither Asiatic race, a group whose earliest home, it may be supposed, was in the region of the Caucasus. Later, after a part of this group had wandered away, a change in the process of selection under different conditions must have formed two groups out of the original single group; these two groups differ in many characters, but not to such an extent that their kinship is not still recognizable. Owing to the characteristics common to the Nordic and the Mediterranean races, we are led to postulate a common origin for these races in a palaeolithic group. We are led, too, to bring the Alpine and East Baltic races into a close relation with the short, short-headed, broad-faced Inner Asiatic race; and we may suppose a migration out of Asia into Europe for both those races. But hardly anything is known about the first appearance of the East Baltic race. Its original home — that is to say, the environment where it underwent the process of its separate formation through selection in isolation — must be sought for between Moscow and Kazan, or between Moscow and the Urals. Philologists have put the original home of the peoples speaking Finnish-Ugrian tongues in south-east Russia or in the neighbourhood of the central Urals, mainly on the European side, by the Karna and its tributaries². Here in a group akin to the Inner Asiatic race there must have been a lightening of the colours through selection, which may be compared to that lightening which took place in the group that came to form the Nordic race, and which had its original home in North-western Europe.

The East Baltic race spread mainly north and north-west from its original home, carrying with it a very simple culture, probably with mother-right — a culture having a simple pottery, and the dog and sheep as domesticated animals, and with hunting and fishing its main activities. It is generally assumed that the so-called Comb-pottery culture of the Stone Age represents the culture of the original Finnish-Ugrian people (East Baltic race). Over the Comb-pottery area it is mainly peoples of Finnish-Ugrian speech that are still living to-day. In Herodotus’ time (fifth century B.C.) the whole of central and northern Russia was still in the occupation of Finnish-Ugrian peoples. Of far-reaching importance for the East Baltics, there then came the meeting with Nordic tribes and peoples — above all, with the Nordic proto-Slavs, who took with them East Baltics wherever they settled. As the Nordic upper layer disappeared, the appearance of the Slav peoples (except the South Slavs) was more and more determined by East Baltic characteristics. It may be assumed that among the North and West Slavs by about the twelfth century the East Baltic race was predominant through the weight of numbers born. Meanwhile in these peoples the East Baltics had given up their Finnish-Ugrian speech in favour of Slav (that is, Indo-European) tongues, so that to-day only the Finns and Esthonians and the peoples akin to them in Northeast Europe still speak their original tongues, as also the Magyars, an originally East Baltic people, with their home probably about the middle Volga. The Magyars still clearly show the East Baltic blood, but since their entry into Hungary (in the ninth century A.D.) have taken up much Alpine, Dinaric, and Nordic, with some Mediterranean blood³. On the whole, the predominantly East Baltic peoples have shown themselves to be not very creative. The Finns, too, who have a richly developed culture, owe, like the Slavs, their creative achievements rather to the Nordic upper layer in their peoples⁴.

With the advance of the Finnish-Ugrian tribes of East Baltic race towards the Baltic lands, the tribes, too, with Baltic (that is Indo-European) speech (the Lithuanians, Letts, Kurs, and Livs), which were originally Nordic, received an East Baltic strain. The old Livs are seen from their graves to have all had narrow faces and long heads.

To the development of European culture, the Alpine race, too, has hardly contributed anything of its own. Their spread from the Alps was not a conquest, but a slow trickle. That the Alpine race is still found to-day more thickly spread in the less hospitable districts is the reflection of prehistoric conditions. A French anthropologist, after examining the racial map of France, wrote the words which apply to the whole of Europe: ‘To the conquerors, the lowlands and the valleys; to the conquered, the mountains’. The Alpine race seems to have been ever crowded back into the undesired, barren districts by the forward thrust of the other races, especially the Nordic. The ways by which the Alpine race spread would be clearer to determine if it had carried with itself its own style of implements and vessels. But its prehistoric emergence gives the picture of an uncreative race, taking forms of culture now from a predominantly Mediterranean, now from a predominantly Nordic civilization, and probably borrowing them for the most part from whatever upper class from another race happened to be ruling them. The ruling class may have changed often, and disappeared in the fight with other conquerors, or through the mixing of race gradually sunk into the more numerous lower class. The predominantly Alpine section of the population has always kept itself in existence throughout the course of time.

The languages which originally belonged to the Alpine race were given up by the Alpine populations in favour of those spoken by the conquering peoples. These cast-off languages must be reconstructed after the pattern of the Finnish-Ugrian languages (originally peculiar to the East Baltic race) or of the Altaic (peculiar to the Inner Asiatic race). The languages spoken in the Alps have a number of words which are not Indo-European as a common peculiarity. Possibly these words are derived from the vanished languages of prehistoric tribes belonging to the Alpine or the Dinaric race.

The first tracks of the Dinaric race are less clear than the roads by which the Alpines spread in Neolithic times. But some districts in Europe show the traces of Dinaric immigrations, pointing to an energetic spread by conquest. From northern France there was at the end of the Stone Age an advance into central Germany by a short-headed people, in whose racial composition I suspect a Dinaric strain. It brought with it the use of copper for spears and daggers, and that shape of vessel called the bell-beaker, a shape which must have been borrowed by these short-heads from a West European culture of the Mediterranean race. Possibly with this movement is connected a Dinaric advance from the mainland into the British Isles⁵. Here, about 2000 B.C., there landed Dinaric tribes, whose bones, implements, and vessels appear along the whole of the east coast of England and Scotland: tall short-heads, with the head cut away at the back, and with high noses, bringing the bell-beaker with them (and called the beaker-makers or beaker-people), breeding cattle, and planting wheat, but seemingly as yet without the knowledge of bronze. But in the England of today there is but a scanty inheritance of Dinaric blood; it seems to have been preserved more clearly here and there in certain families in the liberal professions⁶.

Fig. 1. Prehistoric skull from the Adlersberg near Worms; Dinaric.

The Keltic tribes of Nordic race who landed in later times in the British Isles seem then to have displaced the Dinaric bell-beaker tribes.

The predominance, or the strong strain of Dinaric race, is clearly to be seen in a population of the Bronze Age which, as a warlike tribe of bowmen, and apparently coming, too, from the west, took possession of the heights in the Rhenish district about Worms. Their remains have been found on the Adlersberg, near Worms, and with them again the West European bell-beaker. In the early Bronze Age the Swabian Alb and parts of Bavaria seem to have been settled by an Alpine Dinaric people; the Bronze Age mound-graves in this district hold their remains. A fairly strong Dinaric strain (besides an Alpine strain, and with a Nordic predominance) seems to have characterized the population in the area of the so-called Aunjetitz Culture, an early Bronze culture with its centre in northern Bohemia, and branching into Silesia, east Thuringia, Moravia, Hungary, and Lower Austria.

In the early Hallstatt period populations with a Dinaric element seem to have come from the Alps to Bohemia (and Silesia?). The later Hallstatt period may have been brought in by a more intense forward movement of Dinaric people from the eastern Alpine region. Some of the features of the Hallstatt culture were derived from the Balkans, whence probably the Dinaric migration into the Alpine region first started. From the time of the later Bronze Age Dinaric skulls appear in Switzerland. From there south-west Germany may have been reached (as also the Hotzenwald of south Baden?) These mainly Dinaric people in the Alpine region and south Germany must have belonged in the later Hallstatt period to the Keltic population, for the mainly Nordic Kelts had by then penetrated into the Alps, and then formed together with the earlier dwellers Nordic-Dinaric-Alpine tribes. Owing to the Keltic predominance in Europe (about 900-200 B.C.), Dinaric, as also Alpine blood, has been spread over wide areas of Europe along with the conquests of the Keltic ruling class of Nordic race.

All these vestiges of Dinaric settlements show, however, that the Dinaric, like the Alpine race, made its way into Central Europe without any independent culture of its own⁷. The people of the Dinaric race, too, gave up their original language in favour of languages brought to them by Nordic tribes.

The original Dinaric languages are to be thought of as akin to the Caucasian (Alarodic) languages of the peoples of Hither Asiatic race. In the prehistory of Europe two races only have shown themselves to be truly creative, and these must be looked on as the true European races: the Nordic and the Mediterranean, the Nordic first and foremost as the true history-making race of prehistoric and historic times.

The prehistoric achievements of the Mediterranean race have been minutely described by Schuchhardt in his remarkable work, Alteuropa in seiner Kultur- und Stilentwicklung (1919). It is there shown how Western European culture forms spread from the Mediterranean people of the British Isles, France, and Spain along the shores of the Mediterranean, and then develop through long periods of time into the early historical forms of art characterizing a part of the Egyptian and North African cultures, and the cultures of the earliest pre-Hellenic and of early Hellenic Greece, as also that of the Etruscans. ‘It was not from the east, as is still generally held, but from the west, from the old culture of the Palaeolithic Age in France and Spain, that the Mediterranean received its strongest influences. This can be seen in the structure of the houses and graves, in the sculpture, and in the implements and vessels. The earlier stages are generally found in the Western Mediterranean and the final development was usually carried through in the Mycenean area’⁸.

Fig. 2. Etruscan woman of Nordic race; painting from grave at Corneto.	Fig. 3. Etruscan woman of Mediterranean race; painting from grave at Corneto.
Fig. 4. Ignatius Loyola; Bask of predominantly Hither-Asiatic race; engraving: Van Dyck.	Fig. 5. Etruscan man of Hither Asiatic Race; painting from grave at Corneto.

Schuchhardt describes these Mediterranean forms of culture in Old Europe by means of the archaeological discoveries, and shows how round houses, round tombs with the bodies crouched, pillar worship, the tokens of the belief in a ‘blessed life in the Beyond’, and a whole set of characteristic features can be followed up from England to Troy, and how these features are clearly distinguished from those of Nordic cultures. He shows how the round house in Italy became the Roman house, expressing a conception of structure other than that expressed by the rectangular Nordic house, which became the Megaron house in Greece.

In the Etruscans Schuchhardt sees ‘the most faithful wardens of the old West Mediterranean culture’, and rejects the theory of their origin in Asia Minor, a theory held by Herodotus and ever coming up again since his time. It seems to me, however, that an ethnographical consideration of the Etruscan paintings strengthens the view of an origin in Asia Minor (not for all Etruscans, but for some of the population), as also the theory of a transitory Etruscan ruling class of Nordic race, although the Etruscan people as a whole may have been predominantly Mediterranean, and indeed for Schuchhardt is a people whose original home was in Italy. Alpine blood may originally have been only in small quantity in the Etruscans, but it can be clearly recognized from the Etruscan paintings: thick-set people with round faces and short noses are found among those represented. There are some signs that the Alpines among the Etruscan people went on growing in numbers towards its end. On this more will be said below. Etruscan skulls that have been found are (according to Sergi’s researches) generally mesocephalic to dolichocephalic.

The Mediterranean Sea, after the Neolithic spread of the West European culture of Mediterranean race, seems to have been the theatre of an eruption in the Early Bronze Age as far as Spain by tribes of Hither Asiatic race, by way of Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy. During the Bronze Age the cephalic index in Sicily increased. The incoming short-heads seem to have been Hither Asiatic. The Etruscan paintings show a predominance of Mediterranean features (Fig. 3), but also Hither Asiatic features (Fig. 5), and occasionally Nordic ones, as in the blonde girl here given (Fig. 2). Fair hair, indeed, is often clearly to be seen in these paintings.

I am inclined to believe that a Hither Asiatic advance brought the Bask language, too, from Hither Asia into Spain. Bask shows kinship with the Caucasian (Alarodic) tongues, which were originally peculiar to the Hither Asiatic race, and are still spoken by many peoples and tribes predominantly of this race. Hither Asiatic blood would seem still to show itself among the predominantly Mediterranean Basks (cp., too, Fig. 4).

But the Hither Asiatic migration into the Mediterranean does not seem to have caused any real disturbance in the life of the Mediterranean race there. This first happened when Nordic conquerors came upon the scene, who now brought change into the cultural system of the Mediterranean, and of the Etruscans last of all. The description of the latest times of independent Mediterranean history will also be an account of the earliest irruptions of Nordic tribes into the Mediterranean. The happy life of these peoples of Mediterranean race was suddenly disturbed by conquerors who knew nothing of a belief in a blessed life beyond the grave, who had Nordic forms of art instead of the joyous decorative plant-forms of Mediterranean art, who brought wooden buildings and rectangular houses, who burned their dead, or buried them stretched out, and who brought with them new implements, new weapons. The non-Nordic peoples of the Mediterranean had had as their own the long shield covering the whole body; the intruding Nordic conquerors bring the round shield, and finally fashion the bronze panoply described by Homer. Troy and Tiryns in their architectural changes show the ever-renewed and ever-growing intrusions of Nordic bands. These events have been very vividly drawn by Schuchhardt. Remarkable compromises are made between the two colliding cultures. ‘Thus the plan of the stronghold in the Mycenean civilization is almost certainly brought from the north, but the manner of carrying it out with walls made of huge blocks of stone is Mediterranean. This the Nordic comers learnt first in the south. On their way down the Danube they built in wood and clay, and even in Thessaly used only small stones‘.⁹ The oldest Hellenic temples had walls of sun-dried brick on stone feet, wooden beams, and wooden pillars. The transition to stone was in the seventh century B.C. In the earliest Hellenic history the form of the grave is often autochthonic-Mediterranean, the form of burial is Nordic, the ruler’s stronghold Nordic with autochthonic-Mediterranean pillars. A happy compromise of the Nordic and the Mediterranean is shown particularly by the Mycenean culture. In Tiryns there has come to light two metres below the Nordic buildings a huge building in the round style, holding graves with crouched bodies — giving very clear evidence of the fall of independent Mediterranean cultures before a Nordic conquest.

With the Nordic conquerors father-right spread itself over the regions about the Mediterranean. The people of Mediterranean race had lived under mother-right institutions, that is to say, kinship and inheritance with them was determined not through the father, but through the mother, as is the case still to-day among various peoples. Under mother-right there is not generally any lasting marriage, so that the conception of married faithfulness is not developed, but there is generally a very free intercourse among girls and married women. The predominantly Mediterranean old Etruscans had mother-right, so also the predominantly Mediterranean Picts in Scotland; the Basks in their methods of inheritance still show traces today of mother-right. From Spain to Greece traces can be found of mother-right in the times before the inroad of Nordic tribes. Among the peoples of Nordic origin father-right is found everywhere; among them the conception of married faithfulness, and with it that of adultery, is developed; and along their trail of conquest their ideas and their (Indo-European) languages were likewise spread.

The racial contrasts between Nordic and Mediterranean, arising as a result of the intrusion of the Nordic tribes, may still be gathered by the judgment passed by the early Romans on the Ligurians (of Mediterranean race), who are described as slender, dark-skinned, and curly: they were felt to be deceitful and given to lying (fallaces mendacesque), as Diodorus Siculus (v. 39) writes.

Over the whole of the area about the Mediterranean Sea the languages which the Mediterranean race had evolved must have disappeared in the time we speak of. The languages of Nordic origin, the Indo-European languages, were victorious as being those of the Nordic ruling classes. The Pictic vanished before the tongue of the Nordic Kelts; the Iberian — the language of the Iberians, described by Livy (xxxix. I) as small and quick, by Tacitus (Agricola, ii.) as dark-skinned and curly — the Ligurian, and the Etruscan vanished before the tongues of Keltic and Italic (Roman) conquerors of Nordic origin. The languages spoken in Greece of the Bronze Age disappeared before the Greek, brought with them by the Nordic Hellenes from an original home about the Danube. It was only after the exhaustion of Nordic blood in the Hellenic (Greek) and in the Roman people that the Mediterranean element could lift its head again. Perhaps it shows itself in the structure of the Romance tongues¹⁰ which sprung out of the Latin of the Roman ruling class of Nordic race, or maybe it shows itself in southern Catholicism, or even in the rounded style of the late Roman Pantheon.

Footnotes

¹ For this cp. Werth, Der fossile Mensch, Bd. i., 1921, Bd. ii., 1923; and Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes, chap. xix.

² Cp. Szinnyei, Finnisch-ugrische Sprachwissenschaft, 1910.

³ Probably the Magyars at their entry and for some centuries later were far more East Baltic than today. Perhaps it is because of their sallow-fair (not rosy-fair) skin and their faded-fair (not golden-fair) hair that they were called the Fahls or Falbs in the Middle Ages (fahl = sallow); so it is in a lament on the defeat of Ottokar of Bohemia in the battle of Marchfeld against the Magyars, 1278 (cp. Golther, Deutsche Liederdichter, etc., 1910, p. 378).

⁴ So, too, the Finnish Kalevala was composed in Finland and Esthonia by a noble class of Nordic-Germanic descent, which probably was bilingual down to the eighth and ninth centuries. The leaders of the Finnish people — those, moreover, of Finnish not Swedish descent — still show predominantly Nordic characteristics.

⁵ Possibly, too, the Borreby skull (found near Borreby, in Denmark) is to be explained as a skull with a Dinaric strain (not from a native of Denmark?) and brought into connexion with this advance of Dinaric bell-beaker tribes. This at least is what Reche suggests (Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, under ‘Borrebyschädel’).

⁶ Cp. Fleure, ‘Geographical Distribution of Anthropological Types in Wales,’ Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1926; ‘Anthropology and Older Histories,’ ibid., 1918; Keith, ‘Bronze Age Invaders,’ ibid., 1915.

⁷ Possibly, however, in south-east Europe the people of the so-called Tripolye culture were predominantly Dinaric. This Neolithic culture stretched from Galicia and Transylvania through Podolia and the Ukraine provinces of Kiev, Chernigkov, Kherson down to Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Rumania; that is to say, over a region that shows also to-day on the whole a predominantly Dinaric population. In that case the specific achievements of the Dinaric race would have to be looked for in the culture of Tripolye, unless perhaps this latter drew its main characteristics from a Nordic ruling class. This ruling class has been suggested by Peake for this culture (‘Racial Elements . . . the Siege of Troy’, Journ. Anthrop. Inst., vol. xlvi., 1916).

⁸ Schuchhardt, Alteuropa, etc.

⁹ Schuchhardt, Alteuropa, etc.

¹⁰ It is indeed noteworthy that Romance tongues are found to have arisen wherever the people show a more or less heavy Mediterranean strain (cp. Maps XIV, XV).

Source: The Racial Elements of European History, First Published in 1927 by Methuen And Company, London (Chapter 7).

In UFO phenomena there are many mysterious elements that challenge from many years the attempt of the ufologists to make them clear. We think that the only way to try to make clear some of these mysterious elements is to make a conceptual ufology. But the making of a conceptual ufology is a very difficult thing because many ufologists prefer to limit their efforts in the construction of the descriptive ufology.

Many individuals who have had a close encounter with UFOs and their alien beings are understandably convinced of the mysterious elements in their experience. What is even more noteworthy is that those who have not had this experience often write about it a similar vein. The aura of mystery in which these encounter are expressed and relayed to the general public is astounding. This sense of mystery is enhanced by the nature of the flying saucers themselves, which travel at enormous speeds and are extremely elusive.

The UFO phenomenon today presents many elements that are considered a real nightmare (for example  the stories of abductions leave a lot of questions about the aliens’ methods and the aliens’ intentions. We must write that the stories of abductions are one of the more strong proofs that the beings who drive the flying saucers are not angels as the contactees will say).

The presence of the UFOs in our skies can not be interpreted as the contactees would, because some elements of the UFO phenomena shine with a worrying light what the human race can not forget as the contactees make often because they want to affirm that the aliens are friends of the human kind. The sense of mystery present in the UFO phenomena is often highligthed by the connnection made between UFOs and the psychic and magic phenomena. Beings who drive the UFOs have the ability to use clairvoyance and telephaty to deliver their instructions and their messages. Besides many authors say that often the victims of the abductions after those traumatic experiences receive paranormal powers. Or they may use trance conditions similar to those of spiritualist mediums and New Age channelers. No wonder UFOs encounters become occurrences that are quite beyond human race making them amenable to all kinds of bizarre.

We believe that the persistence of many mysterious elements in UFO phenomena depends from trascendence often attributed to aliens by contacteers and their believers. They believe that the beings who drive the flying saucers to come on our planet to help the human race and to favourite the spiritual evolution of the human kind. But the ideas of the contacteers and their believers can not help the ufologists to resolve the UFOs mystery because the contacteers have not ability to make a critical reading and critical interpretation of the messages of the beings who drive the flying saucers. We think that to resolve some of the mysterious elements of the UFO phenomena must leave the ideas that the only way to explain to UFO phenomena is the E.T.H. (the credence that all the UFOs are driving by aliens). We believe that to make clear some mysterious elements of UFO phenomena it is necessary to give more importance to metaphysical theory of the origin of UFOs.

Now we will try to summary the principal elements of metaphysical theory of the origin of the UFO phenomena. The principal affirmation of the metaphysical theory of the origin of UFOs is the belief that the beings who drive flying saucers are supernatural beings who simulate to be aliens coming from the outer space. These supernatural beings simulate to be aliens to condition the human race and to drive the future of human race on a way functional to their objects. The writers about these objects are divided in two great groups: the first group believes that these supernatural beings are goods and for this raison will help the human race to save our planet from the destruction derivated from nuclear war and they will too to favourite the spiritual evolution of the human kind; the second group of the authors think that these supernatural beings are bads, are demonic entities who will seduce the human race and these supernatural beings will lead people away from the truth and the way that brings to God.

Another important affirmation of the metaphysical theory is the belief that UFOs are apocalyptic signs. Some writers think that UFOs are the heavenly signs that the second coming of Christ is near with its consequent judgment. For these writers the coming of UFOs is an indication that the decisive great battle of Armageddon is not far away.

We believe that to explain the UFO mystery needs take in consideration another theory: the paraphysical theory. The principal affirmation of this theory is the belief that the beings who drive the flying saucers are not real aliens but they come from parallel universes that are situated in another zone of the electromagnetic spectrum. These inhabitants of these parallel universes simulate to be aliens because don’t want that the human race knows the existence of parallel universes, because the people who lives in these zones of the electomagnetic spectrum could give problems to these beings.

Probably these beings who live in the parallel universes are not neither good nor evil but probably they must come in our universe for some reason that we cannot know in this moment of our history. Some writers that consider real this theory think that the events that occur in our universe can have consequences on life and history of the people who live in the parallel universes and for this reason the inhabitants of this zone of the electromagnetic spectrum must come in our universe to oversee our actions. The E.T.H. (extra-terrestrial hypothesis) can explain only one part of the UFOs mystery and if we try to use only E.T.H. to explain to UFO phenomena we can only arrive in a way without exit.

We want to finish this work putting in evidence the important fact that the E.T.H., even if can’t be entirely left, can not explain all the UFO phenomena, because this theory presents very important weak points. We think that the principal weak points of the E.T.H. are three: the likeness between some elements of UFO phenomena with paranormal phenomena, the immaterial elements of the UFO phenomena and the fact that in the many abductions are present many likeness with demonic possessions.

* * *

Riferimenti bibliografici
G. Pellegrino, UFOS as angelic or demonic manifestation, www.centrostudilaruna.it
G. Pellegrino, I credenti degli UFO, Edisud, Salerno, 2002
G. Pellegrino, Riflessioni sociologiche sul mistero degli UFO, Progetto Immagine, Torino, 2007
G. Pellegrino, Alcune riflessioni sulla teoria del superspettro di John Keel, nexusedizioni.it
G. Pellegrino, Considerations about the abductions, centrostudilaruna.it

The real scene of the Iliad and the Odyssey can be identified not in the Mediterranean Sea, where it proves to be weakened by many incongruities, but in the north of Europe. The sagas that gave rise to the two poems came from the Baltic regions, where the Bronze Age flourished in the 2^nd millennium B. C. and many Homeric places, such as Troy and Ithaca, can still be identified. The blond seafarers who founded the Mycenaean civilization in the 16^th century B. C. brought these tales from Scandinavia to Greece after the decline of the “climatic optimum”. Then they rebuilt their original world, where the Trojan War and many other mythological events had taken place, in the Mediterranean; through many generations the memory of the heroic age and the feats performed by their ancestors in their lost homeland was preserved, and handed down to the following ages. This key allows us to easily open many doors that have been shut tight until now, as well as to consider the age-old question of the Indo-European diaspora and the origin of the Greek civilization from a new perspective.

Ever since ancient times, Homeric geography has given rise to problems and uncertainty. The conformity of towns, countries and islands, which the poet often describes with a wealth of detail, with traditional Mediterranean places is usually only partial or even nonexistent. We find various cases in Strabo (the Greek geographer and historian, 63 B. C. – 23 A.D.), who, for example, does not understand why the island of Pharos, situated right in front of the port of Alexandria, in the Odyssey inexplicably appears to lie a day’s sail from Egypt. There is also the question of the location of Ithaca, which, according to very precise indications found in the Odyssey, is the westernmost in an archipelago which includes three main islands, Dulichium, Same and Zacynthus. This does not correspond to the geographic reality of the Greek Ithaca in the Ionian Sea, located north of Zacynthus, east of Cephallenia and south of Leucas. And then, what of the Peloponnese, described in both poems as a plain?

In other words, Homeric geography refers to a context with a toponymy with which we are familiar, but which, if compared with the actual physical layout of the Greek world, reveals glaring anomalies, which are hard to explain, if only on account of their consistency throughout the two poems. For example, the “strange” Peloponnese appears to be a plain not sporadically but regularly, and Dulichium, the “Long Island” (in Greek “dolichos” means “long”) located by Ithaca, is repeatedly mentioned not only in the Odyssey but also in the Iliad, but was never discovered in the Mediterranean. Thus we are confronted with a world which appears actually closed and inaccessible, apart from some occasional convergences, although the names are familiar (this, however, tends to be more misleading than otherwise in solving the problem).

A possible key to finally penetrating this puzzling world is provided by Plutarch (46 – 120 A.D.). In his work De facie quae in orbe lunae apparet (“The face that appears in the moon circle”), he makes a surprising statement: the island of Ogygia, (where Calypso held Ulysses before allowing him to return to Ithaca) is located in the North Atlantic Ocean, “five days’ sail from Britain”.

Plutarch’s indications lead us to identify Ogygia with one of the Faroe Islands (where we also come across an island with a Greek-sounding name: Mykines). Starting from here, the route eastwards, which Ulysses follows (Book V of the Odyssey) in his voyage from Ogygia to Scheria allows us to locate the latter, i.e. the land of the Phaeacians, on the southern coast of Norway, in an area perfectly fitting the account of his arrival, where archaeological traces of the Bronze Age are plentiful. Moreover, while on the one hand “sker” in Old Norse means a «sea rock», on the other in the narration of Ulysses’s landing Homer introduces the reversal of the river current (Od., V, 451-453), which is unknown in the Mediterranean world but is typical of the Atlantic estuaries during high tide.

From here the Phaeacians took Ulysses to Ithaca, located on the far side of an archipelago, which Homer talks about in great detail. At this point, a series of precise parallels makes it possible to identify a group of Danish islands, in the south of the Baltic Sea, which correspond exactly to all of Homer’s indications. Actually, the South-Fyn Archipelago includes three main islands: Langeland (the “Long Island”; which finally unveils the puzzle of the mysterious island of Dulichium), Aerø (which corresponds perfectly to Homeric Same) and Tåsinge (ancient Zacynthus). The last island in the archipelago, located westwards, “facing the night”, is Ulysses’s Ithaca, now known as Lyø. It is astonishing how closely it coincides with the directions of the poet, not only in its position, but also its topographical and morphological features. And here, amongst this group of islands, we can also identify the little island «in the strait between Ithaca and Same», where Penelope’s suitors tried to waylay Telemachus.

Moreover, the Elis, i.e. one of the regions of the Peloponnese, is described as facing Dulichium, thus is easily identifiable with a part of the large Danish island of Zealand. Therefore, the latter is the original «Peloponnese», i.e. the “Island of Pelops”, in the real meaning of the word “island” (“nêsos” in Greek). On the other hand, the Greek Peloponnese (which lies in a similar position in the Aegean Sea, i.e. on its southwestern side) is not an island, despite its name. Furthermore, the details reported in the Odyssey regarding both Telemachus’s swift journey by chariot from Pylos to Lacedaemon, along «a wheat-producing plain», and the war between Pylians and Epeans, as narrated in Book XI of the Iliad, have always been considered inconsistent with Greece’s uneven geography, while they fit in perfectly with the flat island of Zealand.

Let us look for the region of Troy now. In the Iliad it is located along the Hellespont Sea, which is systematically described as being «wide» or even «boundless». We can, therefore, exclude the fact that it refers to the Strait of the Dardanelles, where the city found by Schliemann lies. The identification of this city with Homer’s Troy still raises strong doubts: we only have to think of Finley’s criticism in the World of Odysseus. It is also remarkable that Schliemann’s site corresponds to the location of the Greek-Roman Troy; however, Strabo categorically denies that the latter is identifiable with the Homeric city (Geography 13, 1, 27). On the other hand, the Danish Medieval historian Saxo Grammaticus, in his Gesta Danorum, often mentions a population known as «Hellespontians» and a region called Hellespont, which, strangely enough, seems to be located in the east of the Baltic Sea. Could it be Homer’s Hellespont? We can identify it with the Gulf of Finland, which is the geographic counterpart of the Dardanelles (as both of them lie northeast of their respective basins). Since Troy, as we can infer from a passage in the Iliad (XXI, 334-335), lay North-East of the sea (further reason to dispute Schliemann’s location), then it seems reasonable, for the purpose of this research, to look at a region of southern Finland, where the Gulf of Finland joins the Baltic Sea. In this area, west of Helsinki, we find a number of name-places which astonishingly resemble those mentioned in the Iliad and, in particular, those given to the allies of the Trojans: Askainen (Ascanius), Karjaa (Caria), Nästi (Nastes, the chief of the Carians), Lyökki (Lycia), Tenala (Tenedos), Kiila (Cilla), Raisio (Rhesus), Kiikoinen (the Ciconians) etc. There is also a Padva, which reminds us of Italian Padua, which was founded, according to tradition, by the Trojan Antenor and lies in Venetia (the «Eneti» or «Veneti» were allies of the Trojans). What is more, the place-names Tanttala and Sipilä (the mythical King Tantalus, famous for his torment, was buried on Mount Sipylus) indicate that this matter is not only limited to Homeric geography, but seems to extend to the whole world of Greek mythology.

What about Troy? Right in the middle of this area, halfway between Helsinki and Turku, we discover that King Priam’s city has survived the Achaean sack and fire. Its characteristics correspond exactly to those Homer handed down to us: the hilly area which dominates the valley with its two rivers, the plain which slopes down towards the coast, and the highlands in the background. It has even maintained its own name almost unchanged throughout all this time. Today, Toija is a peaceful Finnish village, unaware of its glorious and tragic past.

Various trips to these places, from July 11 1992 onwards, have confirmed the extraordinary correspondence between the Iliad‘s descriptions and the area surrounding Toija. What is more, there we come across many significant traces of the Bronze Age. Incredibly, towards the sea we find a place called Aijala, which recalls the “beach” («aigialos»), where, according to Homer, the Achaeans beached their ships (Il., XIV, 34). The correspondence extends to the neighbouring areas. For example, along the Swedish coast facing Southern Finland, 70 km north of Stockholm, the long and relatively narrow Bay of Norrtälje recalls Homeric Aulis, whence the Achaean fleet set sail for Troy. Nowadays, ferries leave here for Finland, following the same ancient course. They pass the island of Lemland, whose name reminds us of ancient Lemnos, where the Achaeans stopped and abandoned the hero Philoctetes. Nearby is Åland, the largest island of the homonymous archipelago, which probably coincides with Samothrace, the mythical site of the metalworking mysteries. The adjacent Gulf of Bothnia is easily identifiable with Homer’s Thracian Sea, and the ancient Thrace, which the poet places to the North-West of Troy on the opposite side of the sea, probably lay along the northern Swedish coast and its hinterland (it is remarkable that the Younger Edda identifies the home of the god Thor with Thrace). Further south, outside the Gulf of Finland, the island of Hiiumaa, situated opposite the Esthonian coast, corresponds exactly to Homer’s Chios, which, according to the Odyssey, lay on the return course of the Achaean fleet after the war.

In short, apart from the morphological features of this area, the geographic position of the Finnish Troas fits Homer’s directions like a glove. Actually, this explains why a «thick fog» often fell on those fighting on the Trojan plain, and Ulysses’s sea is never as bright as that of the Greek islands, but always «dark-wine» and «misty». As we travel through Homer’s world, we experience the harsh weather which is typical of the Northern world. Everywhere in the two poems the weather, with its fog, wind, rain, cold temperatures and snow (which falls on the plains and even out to sea), has little in common with the Mediterranean climate; moreover, sun and warm temperatures are hardly ever mentioned.

There are countless examples of this; for instance, when Ulysses recalls an episode of the Trojan War:

«The night was bad, after the north wind dropped,
and freezing; then the snow began to fall like icy frost
and ice congealed on our shields» (Od., XIV, 475-477).

In a word, most of the time the weather is unsettled, so much so that a bronze-clad fighting warrior invokes a cloudless sky during the battle (Il., XVII, 643-646). We are worlds away from the torrid Anatolian lowlands. The way in which Homer’s characters are dressed is in perfect keeping with this kind of climate. In the sailing season they wear tunics and heavy cloaks which they never remove, not even during banquets. This attire corresponds exactly to the remains of clothing found in Bronze Age Danish graves, down to such details as the metal brooch which pinned the cloak at the shoulder (Od., XIX, 226). Moreover, this fits in perfectly with what Tacitus states on Germanic clothing:

«The suit for everyone is a cape with a buckle»
(«sagum fibula consertum»; Germania, 17, 1).

This northern collocation also explains the huge anomaly of the great battle which takes up the central books of the Iliad. The battle continues for two days (Il., XI, 86; XVI, 777) and one night (Il., XVI, 567). The fact that the darkness does not put a stop to the fighting is incomprehensible in the Mediterranean world, but it becomes clear in the Baltic setting. What allows Patroclus’s fresh troops to carry on fighting through to the following day, without a break, is the faint night light, which is typical of high latitudes during the summer solstice. This interpretation -corroborated by the overflowing of the Scamander during the following battle (in the northern regions this occurs in May or June owing to the thaw)- allows us to reconstruct the stages of the whole battle in a coherent manner, dispelling the present-day perplexities and strained interpretations. Furthermore, we even manage to pick out from a passage in the Iliad (VII, 433) the Greek word used to denominate the faintly-lit nights typical of the regions located near the Arctic Circle: the «amphilyke nyx» is a real “linguistic fossil” which, thanks to the Homeric epos, has survived the migration of the Achaeans to Southern Europe.

It is also important to note that the Trojan walls, as described by Homer, appear as a sort of rustic fence made of wood and stone, similar to the archaic Northern wooden enclosures (such as the Kremlin Walls up to the 15^th century) much more than the mighty strongholds of the Aegean civilizations.

Troy, therefore, was not deserted after the Achaeans plundered and burnt it down, but was rebuilt, as the Iliad states:

«At this point Zeus has come to hate Priam’s stock,
so Aeneas’s power will rule the Trojans now
and then his children’s children and those who will come later on» (Il., XX, 306-308).

On the contrary, Virgil’s quite tendentious, and much more recent, tale of Aeneas’s flight by sea from the burning city of Troy (a homage paid to the emperor Augustus’s family, considered Aeneas’s descendant) is absolutely unrelated to the real destiny of the Trojan hero and his city after the war. As regards this “Finnish” Aeneas, the first king of the dynasty that, according with Homer, ruled Troy after the war (that is a kingdom which, under Priam, dominated a vast area in southern Finland; Il., XXIV, 544-546) it should be very tempting to suppose a relationship between his name and «Aeningia», Finland’s name in Roman times (Pliny, Natural History, IV, 96).

It is remarkable that farmers often come across Bronze and Stone Age relics in the fields surrounding Toija. This is proof of human settlements in this territory many thousands of years ago. Further, in the area surrounding Salo (only 20 km from Toija), archaeologists have found splendid specimens of swords and spear points that date back to the Bronze Age and are now on display in the National Museum of Helsinki. These findings come from burial places, which include tumuli made of large mounds of stones that can be found at the top of certain hills, which rise from the plain today, but which, thousands of years ago, when the coastline was not as far back as it is nowadays, faced directly onto the sea. This relates to a passage in the Iliad, where Hector challenges an Achaean hero to a duel, undertaking, in case of victory, to give back the corpse of his opponent

«so that the long-haired Achaeans can bury him
and erect a mound for him on the broad Hellespont,
and some day one of the men to come,
sailing with a multioared ship on the wine-dark sea, will say:
“This is the mound of a man slain in ancient times,
he excelled but renowned Hector killed him”»
(Il., VII, 85-90; the description of Achilles’ tomb in the last canto of the Odyssey is analogous).

These Homeric mounds «on the broad Hellespont» and the Bronze Age ones near Salo are remarkably similar.

Let us now examine the so-called Catalogue of Ships from Book II of the Iliad, that lists the twenty-nine Achaean fleets which took part in the Trojan War, together with the names of their captains and places of origin. This list unwinds in an anticlockwise direction, starting from Central Sweden, travelling along the Baltic coasts and finishing in Finland. If we combine this with the data contained in the two poems and in the rest of Greek mythology, we may completely reconstruct the Achaean world around the Baltic Sea, where, as archaeology confirms, the Bronze Age was flourishing in the 2^nd millennium B. C., favoured by a warmer climate than today’s.

In this new geographical context, the entire universe belonging to Homer and Greek mythology finally discloses itself with its astonishing consistency. For example, by following the Catalogue sequence, we immediately locate Boeotia (corresponding to the area around Stockholm). Here it is easy to identify Oedipus’s Thebes and the mythical Mount Nysa (which was never found in the Greek world), where the Hyads nursed baby Dionysus. Homer’s Euboea coincides with today’s island of Öland, located off the Swedish coast in a similar position to that of its Mediterranean counterpart. Mythical Athens, Theseus’s native land, lay in the area of present day Karlskrona in southern Sweden (this explains why Plato, in his dialogue Critias, refers to it as being an undulating plain full of rivers, which is totally alien to Greece’s rough morphology). The features of other Achaean cities, such as Mycenae or Calydon, as described by Homer also appear completely different from those of their namesakes on Greek soil. In particular, Mycenae lay in the site of today’s Copenhagen, where the island of Amager possibly recalls its ancient name and explains why it was in the plural. Here, in the flat island of Zealand (i.e. the Homeric «Peloponnese»), we can easily identify Agamemnon’s and Menelaus’s kingdoms, Arcadia, the River Alpheus, and in particular, king Nestor’s Pylos, whose location was held to be a mystery even by the ancient Greeks. By setting Homer’s poems in the Baltic, this age-old puzzle is also solved at once. What is more, it is equally easy to solve the problem of the strange border between Argolis and Pylos, which is mentioned in the Iliad (IX, 153) but is “impossible” in the Greek world. After the Peloponnese, the Catalogue mentions Dulichium and continues with Ithaca’s archipelago, which was already identified by making use of the indications the Odyssey supplies. We are thus able to verify the consistency of the information contained in the two poems as well as their congruity with the Baltic geography. After Ithaca, the list continues with the Aetolians, who recall the ancient Jutes. They gave their name to Jutland, which actually lies near the South-Fyn Islands. Homer mentions Pylene in the Aetolian cities, which corresponds to today’s Plön, in Northern Germany, not far from Jutland. Opposite this region, in the North Sea, the name of Heligoland, one of the North Frisian Islands, recalls Helike, a sanctuary of the god Poseidon mentioned in the Iliad (it is remarkable that an old name for Heligoland was Fositesland, where «Fosite», an ancient Frisian god, is virtually identical to Poseidon).

As regards Crete, the «vast land» with «a hundred cities» and many rivers, which is never referred to as an island by Homer, it corresponds to the Pomeranian region in the southern Baltic area, which stretches from the German coast to the Polish same. This explains why in the rich pictorial productions of the Minoan civilization, which flourished in Aegean Crete, we find no hint of Greek mythology, and ships are so scantily represented. It would also be tempting to assume a relationship between the name «Polska» and the Pelasgians, the inhabitants of Homeric Crete. At this point, it is also easy to identify Naxos (where Theseus left Ariadne on his return journey from «Crete» to «Athens») with the island of Bornholm, situated between Poland and Sweden, where the town of Neksø still recalls the ancient name of the island. Likewise, we discover that the Odyssey‘s «River Egypt» probably coincides with the present-day Vistula, thus revealing the real origin of the name the Greeks gave to Pharaohs’ land, known as «Kem» in the local language. This explains the incongruous position of the Homeric Egyptian Thebes, which, according to the Odyssey, is located near the sea. Evidently the Egyptian capital, which on the contrary lies hundreds of kilometres from the Nile delta and was originally known as Wò’se, was renamed by the Achaeans with the name of a Baltic city, after they moved down to the Mediterranean. The real Thebes probably was the present-day Tczew, on the Vistula delta. To the north of the latter, in the centre of the Baltic Sea, the island of Fårö recalls the Homeric Pharos, which according to the Odyssey lay in the middle of the sea at a day’s sail from «Egypt» (whereas Mediterranean Pharos is not even a mile’s distance from the port of Alexandria). Here is the solution to another puzzle of Homeric geography that so perturbed Strabo.

The Catalogue of Ships now touches the Baltic Republics. Hellas lay on the coast of present-day Esthonia, and thus next to the Homeric Hellespont (i.e. the «Helle Sea»), today’s Gulf of Finland. In this area also lies Kurland -the Curians’ country, that is the mythical Curetes, linked with the worship of Zeus- where is found the figure of a supreme god, who is called Dievas in Lithuania and Dievs in Latvia; in local folklore he shows features typical of Hellenic Zeus (the genitive case of the name «Zeus» in Greek is «Diòs»; Il., I, 5). Moreover, Lithuanian has very archaic features and a notable affinity with the ancient Indo-European language. Phthia, Achilles’s homeland, lay on the fertile hills of southeastern Esthonia, along the border with Latvia and Russia, stretching as far as the Russian river Velikaja and the lake of Pskov. Myrmidons and Phthians lived there, ruled by Achilles and Protesilaus (the first Achaean captain who fell in the Trojan War) respectively. Next, proceeding with the sequence, we reach the Finnish coast, facing the Gulf of Bothnia, where we find Jolkka, which reminds us of Iolcus, Jason’s mythical city. Further north, we are also able to identify the region of Olympus, Styx and Pieria in Finnish Lapland (which in turn recalls the Homeric Lapithae, i.e. the sworn enemies of the Centaurs who also lived in this area). This location of Pieria north of the Arctic Circle is confirmed by an apparent astronomical anomaly, linked to the moon cycle, which is found in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes: it can only be explained by the high latitude. The «Home of Hades» was even further northwards, on the icy coasts of Russian Karelia: here Ulysses arrived, his journeys representing the last vestige of prehistoric routes in an era which was characterised by a very different climate from today’s.

In conclusion, from this review of the Baltic world, we find its astonishing consistency with the Catalogue of Ships -which is, therefore, an extraordinary “photograph” of the Northern Early Bronze Age peoples- as well as with the whole of Greek mythology. It is very unlikely that this immense number of geographic, climatic, toponymical and morphological parallels is to be ascribed to mere chance, even leaving aside the glaring contradictions arising from the Mediterranean setting.

As regards Ulysses’ trips, after the Trojan War, when he is about to reach Ithaca, a storm takes him away from his world; so he has many adventures in fabulous localities until he reaches Ogygia, that is one of the Faroe Islands. These adventures, presumably taken from tales of ancient seamen and elaborated again by the poet’s fantasy, represent the last memory of the sea routes followed by the ancient navigators of the Northern Bronze Age out of the Baltic, in the North Atlantic (where the «Ocean River» flows, i.e. the Gulf Stream), but they became unrecognizable because of their transposition into a totally different context. For example, the Eolian island, ruled by the «King of the winds», «son of the Knight», is one of the Shetlands (maybe Yell), where there are strong winds and ponies. Cyclops lived in the coast of Norway (near Tosenfjorden: the name of their mother is Toosa): they coincide with the Trolls of the Norwegian folklore. The land of Lestrigonians was in the same coast, towards the North; Homer says that there the days are very long (the famous scholar Robert Graves places the Lestrigonians in the North of Norway; moreover, in that area we find the island of Lamøj, which is probably the Homeric Lamos). The island of sorceress Circe -where there are clear hints at the midnight sun (Od., X, 190-192) and the revolving dawns (Od., XII, 3-4), typical phenomena of the Arctic regions- is one of the Lofoten, beyond the Arctic Circle. Charybdis is the well-known whirlpool named Maelstrom, south of the island of Moskenes (one of the Lofoten). South of Charybdis Odysseus meets the island Thrinakia, that means «trident»: really, near the Maelstrom lies Mosken, a three-tip island. The Sirens are shoals and shallows, off the western face of the Lofoten, before the Maelstrom area, which are made even more dangerous by the fog and the size of the tides. The sailors could be attracted by the misleading noise of the backwash (the «Sirens’ Song» is a metaphor similar to Norse «kenningar») on the half-hidden rocks into deceiving themselves that landing is at hand, but if they get near, shipwreck on the reefs is inevitable.

Besides, we can find remarkable parallels between Greek and Norse mythology: for example, Ulysses is similar to Ull, archer and warrior of Norse mythology; the sea giant Aegaeon (who gave his name to the Aegean Sea) is the counterpart of the Norse sea god Aegir, and Proteus, the Old Man of the Sea (who is a mythical shepherd of seals, who lives in the sea depths and is capable of foretelling the future) is similar to the «marmendill» (mentioned by the Hàlfs Saga ok Hàlfsrekka and the Landnàmabòk), a very odd creature, who resembles a misshapen man with a seal-shaped body below the waist, and has the gift of prophecy but only talks when he feels like it, just like Proteus. On the other hand, there are remarkable analogies between the Achaean and Viking ships: by comparing the details of Homeric ships with the remains of Viking ships found in the bay of Roskilde, we realize that their features were very similar. We refer to the flat keel (one infers this from Od., XIII, 114), the double prow (we can deduce this from the expression «amphiélissai» Homer frequently uses with regard to their double curve, i.e. at the stern and the prow), and the removable mast -this is a sophisticated feature typical of Viking ships, which was typical of Homeric ships, too: many passages in both the Iliad (I, 434; I, 480) and the Odyssey (II, 424-425; VIII, 52) confirm without a shadow of doubt that the operations of setting up and taking down the mast were customary at the beginning and the end of each mission.

More generally speaking, apart from the respective mythologies, remarkable parallels are found between the customs of the Achaeans and those of the populations of Northern Europe, although they are separated by almost 3000 years. The systems of social relations, interests and lifestyles of the Homeric world and Viking society, despite the elapsed years, are surprisingly similar. For instance, the «agorà», the public assembly in the Homeric world, corresponds to the «thing» of the Vikings: this was the most important political moment in the running of the community for both peoples. In his turn, Tacitus informs us that at his time the northern populations held public assemblies (Germania, chap. 11), that appear to be very similar to the «thing» (therefore, to the «agorà», too). In a word, the parallels between the Homeric Achaeans, who lived during the Bronze Age, the Germans of the Roman period, and the Medieval Vikings testify to the continuity of the Northern world throughout the ages.

We should note that many Homeric peoples, as the Danaans, Pelasgians, Dorians, Curetes, Lybians and Lapithae, whose traces are not found in the Mediterranean, probably still exist in the Baltic world: they find their present counterparts in the Danes, Poles, Thuringians, Kurlandians, Livonians and Lapps (this identification is supported by their respective geographic locations). Moreover, both poems mention the Sintians, mythical inhabitants of Lemnos who were linked with the smith god Hephaestus (Il., I, 594; Od., VIII, 294): their name is exactly the same as today’s Sintians, i.e. a tribe of Gypsies’, who traditionally are metalworkers and coppersmiths. We also note a possible relationship between the «Argives», another name for the Achaeans, «Argeioi» in Greek -i.e. (V)argeioi, considering the usual loss of the initial V (the «digamma») in the Homeric language- and the “Varangians” (Swedish Vikings).

As regards the Homeric Danaans («Dànaioi» in Greek, who were also Achaeans), at the beginning of the Gesta Danorum, Saxo Grammaticus states that «Dudon, who wrote a story about Aquitania, believes that the Danes owe their origins and name to the Danaans» (I, I, 1). This comparison has hitherto been interpreted as a means of exalting the origin of the Danes, but now one could start to see them in a new light. If we still dwell upon the digamma, we should consider now the relationship between the Greek words «areté» (valour) and «àte» (fault or error) and their Latin counterparts «virtus» and «vitium» respectively (apart from the initial V, the vowels A and I are often interchangeable: for example, «ambush» corresponds to the Italian «imboscata»). By applying the same alteration (i.e. A→VI) to the name of the Achaeans («Achaioi» in Greek), we get the word “Vikings”. In a word, Argeioi, Danaioi, and Achaioi, i.e. the three main names Homer gives the peoples comprising the protagonists of his poems, possibly came down to modern times as Varangians, Danes, and Vikings (never found in the Mediterranean area, even in ancient times) respectively.

Here, therefore, is the “secret” which is hidden inside Homer’s poems and is responsible for all the oddities of Homeric geography: the Trojan War and the other events Greek mythology handed down were not set in the Mediterranean, but in the Baltic area, i.e. the primitive home of the blond, «long-haired» Achaeans (the Odyssey claims that Ulysses was fair-haired; XIII, 399; XIII, 431). On this subject, the distinguished Swedish scholar, Professor Martin P. Nilsson, in his works reports considerable archaeological evidence uncovered in the Mycenaean sites in Greece, corroborating their northern origin. Some examples are: the existence of a large quantity of baltic amber in the most ancient Mycenaean tombs in Greece (which is not to be ascribed to trade, because the amber is very scarce in the coeval Minoan tombs in Crete as well as in later graves on the continent); the typically Northern features of their architecture (the Mycenaean megaron is identical to the hall of the ancient Scandinavian Kings); the similarity of two stone slabs found in a tomb in Dendra with the menhirs known from the Bronze Age of Central Europe; the Northern-type skulls found in the necropolis of Kalkani, etc.. Moreover, Aegean art and Scandinavian remains dating back to the Bronze Age present a remarkable affinity -for example, the figures engraved on Kivik’s tomb in Sweden- so much so that a 19^th century scholar suggested the monument was built by the Phoenicians.

Another sign of the Achaean presence in the Northern world in a very distant past is a Mycenaean graffito found in the megalithic complex of Stonehenge in Southern England. Other remains revealing the Mycenaean influence were found in the same area (“Wessex culture”), which date back to a period preceding the Mycenaean civilization in Greece. A trace of contact is found in the Odyssey, which mentions a market for bronze placed overseas, in a foreign country, named «Temese», never found in the Mediterranean area. Since bronze is an alloy of copper and tin, which in the North is only found in Cornwall, it is very likely that the mysterious Temese corresponds to the Thames, named «Tamesis» or «Tamensim» in ancient times. So, following Homer, we learn that, during the Bronze Age, the ancient Scandinavians used to sail to Temese-Thames, «placed overseas in a foreign country», to supply themselves with bronze.

This theory -which has already undergone a positive check by means of inspections carried out on the territories concerned, and meets Popper’s requirement on “falsifiability”- solves many other problems, such as the backwardness of the Homeric civilization compared to the Mycenaeans’; the absence of reference to seafaring and Greek mythology in the Minoan-Cretan world; the inconsistencies between the morphology of several Homeric cities, such as Mycenae and Calydon, and their Greek namesakes; the absurdities concerning the regions of the Peloponnese, and the distance of the allies of the Trojans from the Dardanelles area, and so on. We should also note that oxen are of the utmost importance in the Homeric world: this is the yet further evidence that we are not dealing with a Greek setting, undoubtedly more suitable for goats than oxen, but with a Northern one. Moreover, in a Greek environment one would expect a surfeit of pottery, but this is not the case: in both poems tableware is made solely of metal or wood, while pottery is absent. The poet talks of metal vases, usually of gold or silver.

For example, in Ulysses’s palace in Ithaca,

«a maid came to pour water from a beautiful
golden jug into a silver basin» (Od., I, 136-137).

People poured wine «into gold goblets» (Od., III, 472) and «gold glasses» (Od., I, 142). Lamps (Od., XIX, 34), cruets (Od., VI, 79) and urns, like the one (Il., XXIII, 253) containing Patroclus’s bones, were made of gold. The vessels used for pouring wine were also of metal: when one of them fell to the ground, instead of breaking, it «boomed» (Od., XVIII, 397). In a word, on the one hand, the Homeric poems do not mention any ceramic pottery, which is typical of the Mediterranean world, but, on the other, they are strikingly congruent with the Northern world, where scholars find a stable and highly advanced bronze founding industry, compared to the pottery one, which was far more modest. As to the poor, they used wooden jugs (Od., IX, 346; XVI, 52), i.e. the cheapest and most natural form of vessel, considering the abundance of this material in the North: Esthonia and Latvia have a very ancient tradition of wooden beer tankards.

Therefore, it was along the Baltic coast that Homer’s events took place, before the Mycenaean migration southwards, in the 16^th century B. C.. This period is close to the end of an exceptionally hot climate that had lasted several thousands of years, the “post-glacial climatic optimum”. It corresponds to the Atlantic phase of the Holocene, when temperatures in northern Europe were much higher than today (at that time the broad-leaved forests reached the Arctic Circle and the tundra disappeared even from the northernmost areas of Europe). The “climatic optimum” reached its peak around 2500 B. C. and began to drop around 2000 B. C. (“Sub-Boreal phase”), until it came to an end some centuries later. It is highly likely that this was the cause that obliged the Achaeans to move down to the Mediterranean for this reason. They probably followed the Dnieper river down to the Black Sea, as the Vikings (whose culture is, in many ways, quite similar) did many centuries later. The Mycenaean civilisation, which did not originate in Greece, was thus born and went on to flourish from the 16^th century B. C., soon after the change in North European climate.

The migrants took their epos and geography along with them and attributed the same names they had left behind in their lost homeland to the various places where they eventually settled. This heritage was immortalized by the Homeric poems and Greek mythology (the latter lost the memory of the great migration from the North probably after the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization, around the 12^th century B. C., but kept a vague memory of its “hyperborean” links). Moreover, they renamed with Baltic names not only the new countries where they settled, but also other Mediterranean regions, such as Libya, Crete and Egypt, thus creating an enormous “geographical misunderstanding” which has lasted until now. The above-mentioned transpositions of Northern place-names were certainly encouraged, if not suggested, by a certain similarity (which the Mycenaeans realized owing to their inclination for seafaring) between Baltic geography and that of the Aegean: we only have to think of the analogy Öland-Euboea or Zealand-Peloponnese (where they were obliged to force the concept of island in order to maintain the original layout). The increasing presence of Greek-speaking populations in the Mediterranean basin, with their cultural and trade supremacy, later consolidated this phenomenon, from the time of Mycenaean civilization to the Hellenistic-Roman period.

In short, besides the geographic correspondences, in favour of this theory there is the remarkable temporal concurrence between the end of the “climatic optimum” in northern Europe and the settling of the Mycenaeans in the Aegean area. We should also note that a catastrophic event happened at that time: we refer to the eruption of the volcano of Thera (Santorini), around the year 1630 B. C., which presumably extinguished the Minoan civilization in Crete and certainly had severe climatic consequences worldwide (traces of it were found even in the annual rings of very ancient American trees), giving rise to atmospheric phenomena which must have terrorized the Bronze Age civilizations in Northern Europe. If we consider that the “optimum” had begun to decline some centuries before, this event probably started, or quickened, the final collapse.

This is the same age as the arising of Aryan, Hyksos, Hittite and Cassite settlements in India, Egypt, Anatolia and Mesopotamia respectively. In a word, the end of the “climatic optimum” can explain the cause of the contemporary migrations of other Indo-European populations (following a recent research carried on by Prof. Jahanshah Derakhshani of Teheran University, the Hyksos very likely belong to the Indo-European family). The original homeland of the Indo-Europeans was probably located in the furthest north of Europe, when the climate was much warmer than today’s. However, on the one hand G. B. Tilak in The Arctic home of the Vedas claims the Arctic origin of the Aryans, “cousins” of the Achaeans, on the other both Iranian and Norse mythology remember that the original homeland was destroyed by cold and ice. It is also remarkable that, following Tilak (The Orion), the original Aryan civilization flourished in the «Orionic period», when the constellation of Orion marked the spring equinox. It happened in the period from 4000 up to 2500 B. C., corresponding to the peak of the “climatic optimum”.

We also note the presence of a population known as the Tocharians in the Tarim Basin (northwest China) from the beginning of the 2^nd millennium B. C. They spoke an Indo-European language and were tall, blond with Caucasian features. This dating provides us with yet another confirmation of the close relationship between the decline of the “climatic optimum” and the Indo-European diaspora from Scandinavia and other Northern regions. In this picture, it is amazing that the Bronze Age starts in China just between the 18^th and the 16^th centuries B. C. (Shang dynasty). We should note that the Chinese pictograph indicating the king is called «wang», which is very similar to the Homeric term «anax», i.e. “the king” (corresponding to «wanax» in Mycenaean Linear B tablets).

On the other hand, the terms «Yin» and «Yang» (which express two complementary principles of Chinese philosophy: Yin is feminine, Yang masculine) could be compared with the Greek roots «gyn-» and «andr-» respectively, which also refer to the “woman” and the “man” («anér edé gyné», “man and woman”, Od., VI, 184). Moreover, it is no accident that in this period the Steppe peoples -the Scythians, as the Greeks used to call them- who were blond or red-haired, flourished in the area where the Volga and the Dnieper run, the rivers that played such an important role as trade and transit routes between north and south. A passage from Herodotus about the origin of the Scythians corroborates this picture:

«They say that 1000 years elapsed from their origin and their first king Targitaos to Darius’s expedition against them» (History, IV, 7).

As this expedition dates back to 514 B. C., their origin would thus date back to the 16^th century B. C., i.e. the epoch of the Mycenaean migration. One could venture to include in this picture the Olmecs also. They seem to have reached the southern Gulf Coast of Mexico in about the same period; thus, one could infer that they were a population who had formerly lived in the extreme north of the Americas (being connected to the Indo-European civilization through the Arctic Ocean, which was not frozen at that time), and then moved to the South when the climate collapsed (this, of course, could help to explain certain similarities with the Old World, apart from other possible contacts).

Returning to Homer, this reconstruction not only explains the extraordinary consistency between the Baltic-Scandinavian context and Homer’s world (compared to all the contradictions, over which the ancient Greek scholars racked their brains in vain, arising when one tries to place the Homeric geography in the Mediterranean), but also clarifies why the latter was decidedly more archaic than the Mycenaean civilization. Evidently, the contact with the refined Mediterranean and Eastern cultures favoured its rapid evolution, also considering their marked inclination for trade and seafaring which pervades not only the Homeric poems, but also all Greek mythology. Furthermore, this thesis fits in very well with the strong seafaring characterisation of the Mycenaeans. As a matter of fact, archaeologists confirm that the latter had been intensely practicing seafaring from their settling in Greece (their trade stations are found in many Mediterranean shores). Therefore, they had inherited a tradition dating back to a long time before, which implies that their original land lay near the sea. Further, the northern features of their architecture and their own physical traits fit in perfectly with the parallels between Homeric and Norse myths, which not only possess extremely archaic features, but also are of an undeniably seafaring nature. This is hard to explain with the current hypotheses about the continental origin of the Indo-Europeans, whereas the remains found in England fit in very well with the idea of a previous coastal homeland (by associating this with the typically northern features of their architecture we remove any doubt as to their place of origin).

Many signs prove the antiquity of the two poems and their temporal incongruity with Greek culture (this also explains why any reliable information regarding the author, or authors, of the poems had been lost before classical times), showing that they in fact belong to a “barbaric” European civilization, very far from the Aegean, as has been noticed by authoritative scholars, such as Prof. Stuart Piggott in his Ancient Europe. Moreover, Radiocarbon dating, corrected with dendrochronology (i.e. tree-ring calibration) has recently questioned the dogma of the Eastern origin of European civilization. Prof. Colin Renfrew describes the consequences for traditional chronology:

«These changes bring with them a whole series of alarming reversals in chronological relationships. The megalithic tombs of western Europe now become older than the Pyramids or the round tombs of Crete, their supposed predecessors. The early metal-using cultures of the Balkans antedate Troy and the early bronze age Aegean, from which they were supposedly derived. And in Britain, the final structure of Stonehenge, once thought to be the inspiration of Mycenaean architectural expertise, was complete well before the Mycenaean civilization began» (Before civilization, the radiocarbon revolution and prehistoric Europe, chap. 4, “The Tree-ring Calibration of Radiocarbon”).

Consequently, Prof. Renfrew goes so far as to say:

«The whole carefully constructed edifice comes crashing down, and the story-line of the standard textbooks must be discarded» (Before civilization, chap. 5, “The Collapse of the Traditional Framework”).

To conclude, this key could allow us to easily open many doors that have been shut tight until now, as well as to consider the age-old question of the Indo-European diaspora from a new perspective.

In recent times the subject of UFO abductions has gained immense popularity both with the public and with a small group of writers who have turned their attention to the UFO phenomenon. The number of people who claim to have been abducted by occupants of UFOs has been rising almost exponentially since the early 1970s.

The popularity of abductions has led to a proliferation of firstperson accounts, both remembered consciously and retrieved through hypnosis which are accessible to the researcher.

A careful examination of abduction narratives indicates that the patterns alleged to have been discovered by abduction investigators often have religious overtones or similarities with more traditional types of religious experience.

While the reliance on hypnosis heavy among abduction researchers most seem to be aware of the difficulties inherent in the process. Hypnosis apparently allows access to a subconscious level of an individual’s psyche allowing him or her to recall repressed memories of actual events, but also making it possible to derive “memories” of things which have never happened. The nature of accounts obtained through hypnosis is important for understanding the religious characteristics of the abduction phenomenon.

One of the signs noted by abduction researchers as indicative of an abduction event is the prevalence of the dreams containing UFOs or alien related imagery.

An examination of the available primary accounts of abductions also renforces the dream like character of the phenomenon. Time and space appear disjointed in a nonsensical dreamlike way. Day instantly becomes night and events which seem to have taken hours are found to have taken minutes.

Abductions often begin with the perception of light: extremely bright light that causes the percipient to become paralyzed, blinded or generally disoriented. Some times the light renders the abductee unconscious. This intense light is usually identified as the light of a flying saucer or extraterrestrial vehicle.

The religious symbolism inherent here is quite obvious. The appearance of a brilliant light is often said to herald an encounter with the divine Other. Paralysis, blindness and disorientation are associated with this light.

Alternately the experience begins in the nighttime at the abductee’s home. The abductee sees one or more beings approaching in her or him bedside often after passing through walls or closed windows. The abductee usually feels paralyzed at this point and often loses consciousness. The bedside visitors then take the abductee into their craft once again passing through walls and taking their victim with them. Vision of beings or face over the bed before one falls asleep is among the most common of all hallucinations occurring in the distinctive mental state that lies between waking and sleeping.

The vision of abductees have analogies to the experiences of religious dimension. In fact the people who report meeting angels, demons or religious figures often say that these meeting come to them in the night.

After the light the abductee encounters the aliens. The alien is, as the name suggests, the personification of Other. The alien often floats or flies and speaks to the abductee without moving its lips. The alien’s appearance marks it as not of this word.

Often the abductees receive messages in their minds which they take back with them when they return to normal life. Often these messages concern the purpose of the alien’s visit. These messages can be divided into four classes with a specifically religious connotation.

The first type of message is the moral injunction. The aliens tell the abductee that the human kind has been behaving very bad and that if they don’t mend their ways the planet will suffer some sort of chastisement: if the nations of the earth do not stop their constant bickering and experimentation with nuclear weapons they will destroy themselves. Some times the aliens themselves claim that they will take an active role in the moral sphere and are ready to destroy the humanity.

The second type of message are more strictly apocalyptic in character, forecasting a horrible catastrophe on a worldwide scale that will bring about the end of history.

The third type of message concerns the alien’s role and the abductee’s role in the plans of aliens. The abductees say that their experiences are part of some larger alien’s plan. The abductees say also that they are charged with convey the alien’s message to the people of earth: the aliens will reveal their existence to the humanity through them.

Other messages claim to reveal the identity and purpose of the aliens. The aliens have come from a distant planet and are busy on earth performing some type of genetic experimentation. The aliens claim to be responsible for the genetic development of man from his primal ancestor. Sometimes the aliens claim that they are the creators of humanity: they made us and  have guided our evolutionary development and have even intervened in history.

In this scenario the aliens perform many of the traditional functions of God: they create humanity, guide it through history and eventually offer a form of salvation, all through a nearly omnipotent tecnology that replaces the miracles of God. The abductees themselves often tend to explain their experiences in terms of religion.

We want make clear that many writers from outside the field of religious studies have noted the similarities between modern abduction accounts and the folklore of earlier years concerning fairies and “little people”.

The belief in diminutive nonhuman beings has always been present in some form in western culture and as late as the last century. In the ancient chronicles are present accounts about the fairies who abduct human beings. Fairies like UFO occupants enjoyed abducting humans and causing their victims to experience temporal distortions, periods of “missing time” resembling those that modern UFO expert say are reliable signs of an abduction.

Fairies, it was believed, could not properly reproduce and needed the help of humans to sustain their species. Encounters with them were often erotic experiences for the humans involved and sometimes led to a continuing series of contacts resembling the repeat abductions seen in modern stories.

Fairies however inexplicable their activities had a firm place in the theology of their time.

Through the Middle Ages both scholars and lay people accepted a belief in incubi and succubi, sexually, ravenous demons that invaded bedrooms to molest innocent christians in the nighttime. These diabolical entities were only one of the folkloric cousins of modern alien abductors found in the medieval period. Medieval chronicles report sightings of flying ships captained by the strange denizens of Magonia, who often carried off humans to their land beyond the clouds.

The existence of a diminutive species of creatures who fly through the air and steal humans for sexual purposes is a belief by no means confined to western culture.

Other researches adopt interpretive schemes which border on the fantastic. Keel and Vallèe argue that UFOs and abductions are encroachments upon our word by another reality, a distinct dimension of otherness harboring classes beings of which humanity is not normally aware. Abductions and other paranormal events are the mechanism by which the intelligences of this alternate reality control humanity, manipulating our belief and opinions in a rather sinister fashion. The theory that our word is subject to control by alternate realities is used to explain every mysterious phenomenon.

Many writers will explain the phenomenon of abduction by the theory of conspiracy based on the belief that the aliens are using human beings for genetic experiments.

An inseparable corollary of the theories of conspiracy is the notion that the aliens are abroad kid- napping humans is the theory that government is fully aware of this but conceals it from the public.

Some writers argue that the United States and other world powers have cut a Faustian deal with the aliens, ignoring the extraterrestrial attacks on citizens in exchange for advanced technology.

Other conspiracy theorist believe that our planet is a pawn in a battle between to advanced alien species, one benevolent and concerned with human welfare and the other evil and heartless with a desire to enslave human kind.

At the end of our work we will show that the phenomenon of abductions is a very sinister phenomenon that can create sinister ideas about the alien’s intentions or about the intentions of the beings that simulate to be aliens but they come from another reality and another dimension.

* * *

Bibliografy

G. Pellegrino, UFOS as angelic or demonic manifestation, www.centrostudilaruna.it

G. Pellegrino, Mysterious elements in UFO phenomena, webticino.com/cusi

G. Pellegrino, I credenti degli UFO, Edisud, Salerno, 2002

G. Pellegrino, Riflessioni sociologiche sul mistero degli UFO, Progetto Immagine, Torino, 2007

J. Vallèe, Messaggeri di illusioni, Sperling-Kupfer Editori, Milano, 1991

J. Keel, Creature dall’ignoto, Fanucci, Roma, 1976

“I translated from German, at the request of the publisher Longanesi… Oswald Spengler’s vast and celebrated work The Decline of the West. That gave the opportunity to me to specify, in an introduction, the meaning and the limits of this work which, in its time, had been world-famous”. These words begin a series of critical paragraphs on Spengler in Julius Evola’s The Path of Cinnabar (p. 177).

Evola pays homage to the German philosopher for casting aside “progressivist and historicist fancies” by showing that the stage reached by our civilization shortly after the First World War was not an apex, but, on the contrary, a “twilight.” From this Evola recognized that Spengler, especially thanks to the success of his book, made it possible to go beyond the linear and evolutionary conception of history. Spengler describes the opposition between Kultur and Zivilisation, “the former term indicating, for him, the forms or phases of a civilization that is qualitative, organic, differentiated, and vital, the latter indicating the forms of a civilization that is rationalist, urban, mechanical, shapeless, soulless” (p. 178).

Evola admired the negative description that Spengler gives of Zivilisation but is critical of the absence of a coherent definition of Kultur, because, he says, the German philosopher remained the prisoner of certain intellectual schemes proper to modernity. “A sense of the metaphysical dimension or of transcendence, which represents the essence of all true Kultur, was completely lacking in him” (p. 179).

Evola also reproaches Spengler’s pluralism; for the author of The Decline of the West, civilizations are many, distinct, and discontinuous compared to one another, each one constituting a closed unit. For Evola, this conception is valid only for the exterior and episodic aspects of various civilizations. On the contrary, he continues, it is necessary to recognize, beyond the plurality of the forms of civilization, civilizations (or phases of civilization) of the “modern” type, as opposed to civilizations (or phases of civilization) of the “Traditional” type. There is plurality only on the surface; at bottom, there is a fundamental opposition between modernity and Tradition.

Then Evola reproaches Spengler for being influenced by German post-romantic vitalist and “irrationalist” strains of thought, which received their most comprehensive and radical expression in the work of Ludwig Klages. The valorization of life is vain, explains Evola, if life is not illuminated by an authentic comprehension of the world of origins. Thus the plunge into existentiality, into Life, required by Klages, Bäumler, or Krieck, can appear dangerous and initiate a regressive process (one will note that the Evolian critique distinguishes itself from German interpretations, according exactly to the same criteria that we put forward while speaking about the reception of the work of Bachofen).

Evola thinks this vitalism leads Spengler to say “things that make one blush” about Buddhism, Taoism, Stoicism, and Greco-Roman civilization (which, for Spengler, is merely a civilization of “corporeity”). Lastly, Evola does not accept Spengler’s valorization of “Faustian man,” a figure born in the Age of Discovery, the Renaissance and humanism; by this temporal determination, Faustian man is carried towards horizontality rather than towards verticality. Regarding Caesarism, a political phenomenon of the era of the masses, Evola shares the same negative judgment as Spengler.

The pages devoted to Spengler in The Path of Cinnabar are thus quite critical; Evola even concludes that the influence of Spengler on his thought was null. Such is not the opinion of an analyst of Spengler and Evola, Attilio Cucchi (in “Evola, Tradizione e Spengler,” Orion no. 89, 1992). For Cucchi, Spengler influenced Evola, particularly in his criticism of the concept of the “West”: by affirming that Western civilization is not the civilization, the only civilization there is, Spengler relativizes it, as Guénon charges. Evola, an attentive reader of Spengler and Guénon, would combine elements of the the Spenglerian and Guénonian critiques. Spengler affirms that Faustian Western culture, which began in the tenth century, has declined and fallen into Zivilisation, which has frozen, drained, and killed its inner energy. America is already at this final stage of de-ruralized and technological Zivilisation.

It is on the basis of the Spenglerian critique of Zivilisation that Evola later developed his critique of Bolshevism and Americanism: If Zivilisation is twilight for Spengler, America is the extreme-West for Guénon, i.e., irreligion pushed to its ultimate consequences. In Evola, undoubtedly, Spenglerian and Guénonian arguments combine, even if, at the end of the day, the Guénonian elements dominate, especially in 1957, when the edition of The Decline of the West was published by Longanesi with a Foreword by Evola. On the other hand, the Spenglerian criticism of political Caesarism is found, sometimes word for word, in Evola’s books Fascism Seen from the Right and the Men Among the Ruins.

Dr. H. T. Hansen, the author of the Introduction to the German edition of Men Among the Ruins (Menschen inmitten von Ruinen [Tübingen: Hohenrain, 1991]), confirms the sights of Cucchi: several Spenglerian ideas are found in outline in Men Among the Ruins, notably the idea that the state is the inner form, the “being-in-form” of the nation; the idea that decline is measured to the extent that Faustian man has become a slave of his creations; the machine forces him down a path from which he can never turn back, and which will never allow him any rest. Feverishness and flight into the future are characteristics of the modern world (“Faustian” for Spengler) which Guénon and Evola condemn with equal strength.

In The Hour of Decision (1933), Spengler criticizes the Caesarism (in truth, Hitlerian National Socialism) as a product of democratic titanism. Evola wrote the Preface of the Italian translation of this work, after a very attentive reading. Finally, the “Prussian style” exalted by Spengler corresponds, according to Hansen, with the Evolian idea of the “aristocratic order of life, arranged hierarchically according to service.” As for the necessary preeminence of Grand Politics over economics, the idea is found in both authors. Thus the influence of Spengler on Evola was not null, despite what Evola says in The Path of Cinnabar.

* * *

Source: Nouvelles de Synergies européennes no. 21, 1996. Translated by Greg Johnson.

Note: Evola’s The Path of Cinnabar is now available in English translation from Arktos Media.

Oswald Spengler’s morphologies of cultures and civilizations in his most famous work, The Decline of the West, are widely known. However, Spengler’s positions changed after the publication of Decline. So claims the Italian Germanist Domenico Conte in his recent work on Spengler, Catene di civiltà: Studi su Spengler (Napoli: Ed. Scientifiche Italiane, 1994), which is a thorough study of the posthumous texts published by Anton Mirko Koktanek, especially Frühzeit der Weltgeschichte [The Early Period of World History], which gathers the fragments of a projected but never completed work The Epic of Man.

In his reflections immediately following the publication of The Decline of the West, Spengler distinguished four stages of human history which he designates simply as A, B, C, and D. Stage “A” lasted a hundred thousand years, from the first phases of hominization up to the lower Paleolithic. It is during this stage that the importance of the “hand” for man appears. It is, for Spengler, the age of Granite.

Stage “B” lasted ten thousand years and lay in the lower Paleolithic, between 20,000 and 7,000–6,000 BCE. During this age the concept of interior life was born: “then appeared the true soul, as unknown to men of stage ‘A’ as it is to a newborn baby.” In this stage in our history man was first “able to produce traces/memories” and to understand the phenomenon of death. For Spengler, it is the age of the Crystal. Stages “A” and “B” are inorganic.

Stage “C” lasted 3,500 years: it starts with the Neolithic era, running from the sixth millennium BCE to the third. It is the stage when thought started to be articulated in language and the most complex technological achievements became possible. In this stage are born “cultures” whose structures are “amoebic.”

Stage “D” is that of “world history” in the conventional sense of the term. It is the stage of “great civilizations,” each of which lasts approximately 1,000 years. These civilizations have structures of the “vegetable” type. Stages “C” and “D” are organic.

Spengler preferred this psychological-morphological classification to the classifications imposed by the directors of museums who subdivided the prehistoric and historical eras according to materials used for the manufacture of tools (stone, bronze, iron). In keeping with this psychological-morphological classification, Spengler also rejected the idea of the “slow, phlegmatic transformation” or continuous development, rooted in the progressivist ideas of the 18th century.

Evolution, for Spengler, is a matter of catastrophic blows, sudden irruptions, unexpected changes. “The history of the world proceeds from catastrophe to catastrophe, without any concern with whether we are able to understand them. Today, following H. de Vries, we call them ‘mutations’. It is an internal transformation, which affects without warning all the members of a species, without ‘cause’, naturally, like everything else in reality. Such is the mysterious rhythm of the world” (Man and Technics). There is thus no slow evolution but abrupt “epochal” transformations. Natura facit saltus [Nature makes leaps—Ed.].

Three Culture-Amoebas

In stage “C,” where the matrices of human civilization actually emerge, Spengler distinguishes three “culture-amoebas”: Atlantis, Kush, and Turan. This terminology appears only in his posthumous writings and letters. The civilizational matrices are “amoebas” and not “plants” because amoebas are mobile, not anchored to a particular place. The amoeba is an organism that continuously pulsates along an ever-shifting periphery. Then the amoeba subdivides itself as amoebas do, producing new individualities that move away from the amoeba-mother. This analogy implies that one cannot delimit with precision the territory of a civilization of stage “C,” because its amoebic emanations can be widely dispersed in space, extremely far away from the amoeba-mother.

“Atlantis” is the “West” and extends from Ireland to Egypt. “Kush” is the “South-east,” an area ranging between India and the Red Sea. “Turan” is the “North,” extending from Central Europe to China. Spengler, explains Conte, chose this terminology recalling “old mythological names” in order not to confuse them with later historical regions of the “vegetable” type, which are geographically rooted and circumscribed, whereas they are dispersed and not precisely localized.

Spengler does not believe in the Platonic myth of Atlantis, the sunken continent, but notes that an ensemble of civilizational remnants are locatable in the West, from Ireland to Egypt. “Kush” is a name that one finds in the Old Testament to indicate the territory of the ancient Nubians, the area inhabited by the Kushites. But Spengler places the culture-amoeba “Kush” more to the East, in an area between Turkestan, Persia, and India, undoubtedly inspired by the anthropologist Frobenius. As for “Turan,” it is “North,” the Turanic high-plateau, which he thought was the cradle of the Indo-European and Ural-Altaic languages. It is from there that the migrations of “Nordic” peoples departed (Spengler is not without racial connotations) to descend on Europe, India, and China.

Atlantis: Hot and Mobile; Kush: Tropical and Content

Atlantis, Kush, and Turan are cultures bearing morphological principles emerging mainly in the spheres of religion and the arts. The religiosity of Atlantis “hot and mobile,” is centered on the worship of the dead and the preeminence of the ultra-telluric sphere. The forms of burials, notes Conte, testify to the intense relationship with the world of the dead: the tombs always have a high profile, or are monumental; the dead are embalmed and mummified; food is left or brought for them. This obsessional relationship with the chain of ancestors leads Spengler to theorize the presence of a “genealogical” principle. The artistic expressions of Atlantis, adds Conte, are centered on stone constructions, as gigantic as possible, made for eternity, signs of a feeling of life which is not turned towards a heroic surpassing of limits, but towards a kind of “inert complacency.”

Kush developed a “tropical” and “content” religion. The problem of ultra-telluric life is regarded with far less anxiety than in Atlantis, because in the culture-amoeba of Kush a mathematics of the cosmos dominates (of which Babylon will be the most imposing expression), where things are “rigidly given in advance”. Life after death is a matter of indifference. If Atlantis is a “culture of the tombs,” in Kush tombs have no significance. One lives and procreates but forgets the dead. The central symbol of Kush is the temple, from which priests scrutinize celestial mathematics. If in Atlantis, the genealogical principle dominates, if the gods and goddesses of Atlantis are father, mother, son, daughter, in Kush, the divinities are stars. A cosmological principle dominates.

Turan: The Civilization of Heroes

Turan is the civilization of heroes, animated by a “cold” religiosity, centered on the mysterious meaning of existence. Nature is filled with impersonal powers. For the culture-amoeba of Turan, life is a battlefield: “for the man of the North (Achilles, Siegfried)”, Spengler writes, “only life before death, the fight against destiny, counts”. The divine-human relationship is no longer one of dependence: “prostration ceases, the head remains high; there is ‘I’ (man) and you (gods)”.

Sons guard the memory of their fathers but do not leave food for their corpses. There is no embalming or mummification in this culture, but cremation. The bodies disappear, are hidden in underground burials without monuments, or are dispersed to the four winds. All that remains of the dead is their blood in the veins of their descendants. Turan is thus a culture without architecture, where temples and burials have no importance and where only the terrestrial meaning of existence matters. Man lived alone, confronted with himself, in his house of wood or in his nomad’s tent.

The War Chariot

Spengler reserved his sympathy for the culture-amoeba of Turan, whose bearers were characterized by the love of adventure, implacable will power, a taste for violence, and freedom from vain sentimentality. They are “men of facts.” The various peoples of Turan were not bound by blood ties or a common language. Spengler does not utilize archaeological and linguistic research aiming to find the original fatherland of the Indo-Europeans or at reconstituting the source language of all the current Indo-European idioms: the bond which links the people of Turan is technical; it is the use of the war chariot.

In a lecture given in Munich on February 6th, 1934 entitled Der Streitwagen und the Seine Bedeutung für den Gang der Weltgeschichte (“The War Chariot and its Significance for the Course of World History”), Spengler explains why this weapon constitutes the key to understanding the history of the second millennium BCE It is, he says, the first complex weapon: One needs a war chariot (with 2 wheels and not a less mobile carriage with 4 wheels), a domesticated and harnessed animal, a meticulously trained warrior who will henceforth strike his enemies from above. With the war chariot is born a type of new man. The chariot is a revolutionary invention on the military plane, but also the formative principle of a new humanity. The warriors became professional because the techniques they had to handle were complex, and they came together as a caste of those who love risk and adventure; they made war the meaning of their life.

The arrival of these castes of impetuous “charioteers” upset very ancient orders: the Achaeans invaded Greece and settled in Mycenae; the Hyksos burst into Egypt. To the East, the Kassites descended on Babylon. In India, the Aryans bore down on the subcontinent, “destroyed the cities”, and settled on the ruins of the civilization of Mohenjo Daro and Harappa. In China, the Zhou arrived from the north, mounted on their chariots, like the Hyksos and their Greek counterparts.

From 1,200 BCE, warlike princes reigned in China, in India, and in the ancient world of the Mediterranean. The Hyksos and Kassites conquered two older civilizations of the South. Then three new civilizations carried by “dominating charioteers” emerged: the Greco-Roman, the Aryan civilization of India, and the Chinese civilization resulting from Zhou. These new civilizations, whose princes came from North, Turan, are “more virile and energetic that those born on banks of the Nile and Euphrates.” According to Spengler, however, these warlike charioteers sadly succumbed to the seductions of the softening South.

A Common Heroic Substrate

The theory of the rough simultaneity of the invasions of Greece, Egypt, India, and China was shared by Spengler and the sinologist Gustav Haloun. Both held that there is a common substrate, warlike and chariot-borne, of Mediterranean, Indian, and Chinese civilizations. It is a “heroic” civilization, as shown by the weapons of Turan. They are different from those of Atlantis. In addition to the chariot, they are the sword and the axe, which imply duels between combatants, whereas in Atlantis, the weapons are the bow and arrow, that Spengler judges “vile” because they make it possible to avoid direct physical confrontation with the adversary, “to look him right in the eyes”.

In Greek mythology, Spengler claims, the bow and arrows are remnants of earlier, pre-Hellenic influences: Apollo the archer originated in Asia Minor; Artemis is Libyan, as is Hercules. The javelin is also telamon [= Atlantid] while the jousting lance is “Turanic.” To understand these distant times, the study of the weapons is more instructive than that of kitchen utensils or jewels, Spengler concludes.

The Turanic soul also derives from a particular climate and a hostile landscape. Man must fight unceasingly against the elements, thus becomes harder, colder, more wintry. Man is not only the product of a “genealogical chain,” but equally of a “landscape.” Climatic rigor develops “moral strength.” The tropics soften the character, bringing us closer to a nature perceived as more matriarchal, supporting female values.

Spengler’s late writings and correspondence thus show that his views changed after the publication of The Decline of the West, where he valorized Faustian civilization to the detriment primarily of ancient civilization. His focus on the “chariot” gives a new dimension to his vision of history: the Greeks, the Romans, the Indo-Aryans, and the Chinese found favor in his eyes.

In The Decline of the West the mummification of the Pharaohs was considered as the Egyptian expression of a will to duration, which he opposed to the oblivion implied by Indian cremation. Later, he disdained “telamon” mummification as an obsession with the beyond, indicating an incapacity to face terrestrial life. “Turanic” cremation, on the other hand, indicates a will to focus one’s powers on real life.

A Change of Optics Dictated by Circumstances?

Spengler’s polycentric, relativistic, non-Eurocentric, non-evolutionist conception of history in The Decline of the West fascinated researchers and anthropologists outside the circles of the German right, particularly Alfred Kroeber and Ruth Benedict. His emphasis on the major historical role of castes of charioteers gives his late work a more warlike, violent, mobile dimension than revealed in Decline.

Can one attribute this change of perspective to the situation of a vanquished Germany, which sought to ally itself with the young USSR (from a Eurasian-Turanian perspective?), with India in revolt against Great Britain (that he formerly included in “Faustian civilization,” to which he then gave much less importance), with China of the “great warlords,” sometimes armed and aided by German officers?

Did Spengler, by the means of his lecture on the charioteers, seek to give a common mythology to German, Russian, Chinese, Mongolian, and Indian officers or revolutionaries in order to forge a forthcoming brotherhood of arms, just as the Russian “Eurasianists” tried to give the newborn Soviet Russia a similar mythology, implying the reconciliation of Turco-Turanians and Slavs? Is the radical valorization of the “Turanic” chariot charge an echo of the worship of “the assault” found in “soldatic nationalism,” especially of the Jünger brothers and Schauwecker?

Lastly, why didn’t Spengler write anything on the Scythians, a people of intrepid warriors, masters of equestrian techniques, who fascinated the Russians and undoubtedly, among them, the theorists of the Eurasiansm? Finally, is the de-emphasis on racial factors in late Spengler due to a rancorous feeling toward the English cousins who had betrayed Germanic solidarity? Was it to promote a new mythology, in which the equestrian people of the continent, which include all ethnic groups (Mongolian Turco-Turanians, descendants of the Scythians, Cossacks and Germanic Uhlans), were to combine their efforts against the corrupt civilizations of the West and the South and against the Anglo-Saxon thalassocracies?

Don’t the obvious parallels between the emphasis on the war chariot and certain theses in Man and Technics amount to a concession to the reigning futuristic ideology, insofar as Spengler gives a technical rather than a religious explanation of the Turanian culture-amoeba? These are topics that the history of ideas will have to clarify in-depth.

* * *

Source: Nouvelles de Synergies européennes, no. 21, 1996. Translation by Greg Johnson.

The products of Oriental culture often make a bizarre impression upon Western man. This applies to Indian plastic art no less than to Indian thinking and Indian literature. Everything tends to assume the most luxurious forms of a tropical forest. The images of the gods, strange and grotesque, with their many arms, their denioniacal faces, their strange attributes; the temples with super-abundance of ornamentation and their symbolically thought-out structure; the finely spun speculations on the nature of man and God which eventually fade away into a nirvana without thought; all this bewilders us, and, in order to discern the beaury undeniably hidden in it, we Westerners must abandon many of our ways of thinking if we are to feel at home in this different world.

The epic poetry of the Indians, too, strikes us as strange. We feel at home in the Iliad. There we find a fine sense of proportion. There we find a sense of restraint and beautiful order which seems to us to be the essence of all genuine classical art. But when we read in the Mahabharata it seems as if we wander through the many galleries and turnings of a Barabhudur, and we get entangled in the multiplicity of detail and digressions.

ln size, the Mahabharata, the most important Indian epic, is tremendous. In its present form it comprises about 107,000 two-line stanzas or ślokas; if one places these more thats 2oo,ooo lines beside the almost 16,000 hexameters of the Iliad, one realizes the difference between excessiveness and wise restraint. An Indian collection of fairy-tales is called Kathasaritsagara, i.e. the ocean of fairy-tale rivers. Indeed, the Indian thinks in terms of oceans, whereas the Greek sees before him the picture of the Mediterranean.

Naturally an epic of such a size is the result of a long development.

The poem itself has something to say about this, as it tells us with amusing precision that it used to have only 24,000 ślokas, but that this poem in its turn was an expansion of an older epic of 8,800 stanzas, i.e. the size of the Iliad. This expansion is due chiefly to the insertion of numerous episodes: first, all kinds of other heroic legends which are told as exempla, but in later times also of long digressions of a philosophical and didactic nature. The sixth book of the Mahabharata contains the famous Bhagavadgita or the ‘Song of the exalted‘, which attempts to make a synthesis of the various metaphysical systems. The way in which it is inserted is remarkable: when the hero shrinks from shedding the blood of so many relations, the god who has changed into a man opposes this momentary weakness by pointing out that all living things must go the circular course through death to a new life.

The thirteenth book contains a series of legal treatises. Long digressions on worldly wisdom and politics, also on the mokśa or the liberation from the chain of regenerations, give the epic poem the character of a dharmasastra or a treatise on divine and worldly right. It is therefore easy to understand that in the temples devoted to Vishnu and Shiva and in the places of pilgrimage the Mahabharata is still read aloud to this day.

If one asks when this gigantic work was made, the answer is: in the course of about eight centuries. The final version belongs to the fourth century of our era, but the origin of the epic may certainly be as far back as the fourth century B.C. At that time it will still have been a purely epic poem. In the course of time and in the hands of Brahman priests it became the vessel which collected from all directions the streams of Indian thought. But the fact that theological and legal digressions especially could so easily find a place in it may be an indication that Indian tradition never considered it as a secular heroic poem in the narrower sense, but that the poem had a certain affinity with religious-philosophical literature.

The core of the epic may be briefly summarized in this way. Pandu, the prince of Kuru, situated in the basins of the upper reaches of the Ganges and the Jumna, leaves five sons after his death who are called Pandavas, after their father. The most prominent of these sons are Yudhishthira, Bhima, and Aryuna. They are brought up by their blind uncle Dhritarashtra. But jealousy springs up between the sons of this prince and their five cousins. The eldest son, called Duryodhana, finally succeeds in prejudicing his father against the Pandavas, in spite of the opposition of the uncle of King Bhisma, the warrior-Brahman Drona and the judge
Viduera.

The sons of King Dhritarashtra manage to obtain the support of the famous hero Karna, the son of a charioteer. Duryodhana then makes an attempt to kill his cousins by luring them into a house of inflammable material which is then set on fire. This treacherous method is also found in Irish and Germanic literature. It recalls the burning of the hall in the legend of the Burgundians. But it also took place in real life; the Icelandic sagas give several examples of brenna inni, thc burning of the enemy in his house.

The Pandavas, however, manage to escape with their mother Kunti through a subterranean passage. But the ground has become too hot underfoot, so they hide in a wood, while Duryodhana is under the reassuring impression that they have perished in the flames.

Dressed like Brahmans, the brothers live in the wood. The extra-ordinarily strong Bhima kills two huge monsters or Rakshasas, a feat which is almost obligatory for a hero and may be compared to Beowulf’s fight with Grendel. The king of the neighbouring people of the Panchala, called Drupada, decides to hold a svayamvara for his daughter Krśna, usually called Draupadi. This means that she may take a husband of her own choosing from the princes that come from all sides. The five brothers, begging and dressed as Brahmans, also go there. As a test of their strength the suitors have to bend a huge bow and shoot an arrow at a certain target. None of those present is able to do this. Only Kama has the strength for it. But Draupadi rejects him as husband because he belongs to a lower caste. Then Aryuna comes forward and accomplishes the task.

The bending ofa bow as a test of strength is also told in the other Indian epic, the Ramayana; it is evidently an old relic from a distant past, for we are reminded of Odysseus, who bends a bow in the hall of his house where the suitors are gathered, and thus initiates the denouement.

Aryuna is now accepted as husband, in spite of the protest of many of the princes present, because he is a Brahman. Then the Pandavas reveal who they are, and moreover demand that in accordance with an old ancestral custom Draupadi shall marry them all.

Drupada succeeds in making peace between Dhritarashtra and the Pandavas. Yudhishthira is made ruler of half the kingdom. Aryuna purposely breaks the agreement between the brothers regarding their relationship to Draupadi, and as a penance goes into exile for twelve years and lives the life of a recluse. But this does not prevent him from going through a series of adventures of war and love. When finally he returns to his brothers, their power has grown continuously; they have attained a dominant position in Northern India, and Yudhishthira now makes the famous king’s sacrifice, known as the aśvamedha.

Presently, however, fate will tum against them. The sons of Dhritarashtra invite Yudhishthira to a game of dice with Sjakuni, their mother’s brother. Carried away by the game, Yudhishthira stakes everything on the last die; he loses all his possessions and, finally his own freedom and that of his brothers. In the famous story of Nala, which is one of the episodes of the epic, the svayamvara and the game of dice also occur, which proves how important these were in Indian tradition.

Tacitus also mentions the passion of the Germanic people for the game of dice in which everything is set at stake. If the player loses he allows himself to be bound and sold. ‘Such an obstinacy prevails among them in a foolish cause. But they themselves call it fidelity’. The Roman author could not surmise what lay behind this. The Edda likewise tells us that in ancient times the gods played the game of dice. But this game is more than a simple pastime. lt is a questioning of fate; and hence also a determination of fate. That is the reason why the loser never opposes the issue of the game: alea locuta est.

The Pandavas, then, have lost their kingdom, and for another twelve years they have to seek refuge in the forest. At the end of this time they remain for a thirteenth year in the service of Virata, king of the Matsya, a nation that lived south of the Kuru.

The time has come at last to reveal themselves. When the Kauravas, the princes of Kuru, undertake a large-scale cattle-raid, they are beaten by Aryuna. The Pandavas are to be restored to their kingdom, but the sons of Dhritarashtra refuse this, and on both sides preparations for the battle are made in which all the princes of North India will be involved.

The battle is described in great detail. The poet here makes use of the frequently occurring motif of the messenger. From time to time Sanyarya leaves the battlefield to keep Dhritarashtra abreast of the course of thc battle. There are many victims of the lighting, among them all the sons of Dhritarashtra. The end is a lament uttered by the mother of the dead.

Such an ending to the poem shows a similarity to that of the Iliad and Beowulf. The climax of the epic has been reached in this tremendous and decisive battle; lamentation and funeral are the satisfying final chord. But the epic continues, without however maintaining its heroic character. We are told that Yudhishthira discovers only now that Kama, the son of the charioteer, who also fell in the battle, was his own (half) brother. In order to atone for the sin unwittingly committed by him, he makes a grand sacrifice of horses. ln the end Yudhishthira gives up his kingdom, and is taken to heaven with his brothers and Draupadi.

Though very brief this summary cannot but give the impression of a genuine heroic song. Just as in the Iliad the struggle for Troy is told as a series of duels between the leaders, so also in the Mahabharata. Naturally the typically Indian features, such as the svayamvara or the game of dice and especially withdrawing into the wood for many years in solitude, must be put down to the social and cultural conditions in which this poetry came into being. Yet there can be no doubt that the characteristics which we mentioned in our discussion of European epic poetry are present here too. This applies not only to the subject-matter, but also to the elements of style in general.

A look at the contents may easily lead to the conclusion that this is a story ofa real event embellished by a strong imagination. It is, however, noteworthy that older sources of the earliest history of India, as we know them, do not mention the Pandavas nor the Kauravas. The time of the recorded facts can be determined from the poem with some degree of certainty. For the Mahabharata is said to have been recited by Vaishampayana to King Yanameyaya, going back, therefore, to about 800 B.C. From the fact that the grandfather of this Yanameyaya is supposed to have fallen in the great battle of the epic, it follows that the poem deals with events of the ninth century B.C. But is this sort of information, which can so easily have been made up at a later date, really reliable?

The very fact that the Indians treat history very freely at once forces us to exercise the utmost reserve. With so many gaps and uncertainties it seems impossible to pin down the Pandavas and the Kauravas to one or other century. This does not mean that in the Mahabharata no memories of a far-distant past have been preserved. We have already discussed this. The use of chariot: recalls those early times when the Indo-European people had taken over this method of fighting from the steppe tribes in Central Asia. They used it for a long time. In the Gaulish graves of the La Tène period chariots are still found. We have seen that in the Irish legend Cúchulainn fights on his chariot. The Greeks of the Iliad did so too. A very old feature, too, is that the Indian heroes fight with bow and arrow. This is also known of the Hittites in Asia Minor and of the Egyptians of the nineteenth dynasty. But in addition the heroes also swing swords and battle-axes.

There are indications enough not to deny the poem an historical core; the Chadwicks believe that this will now be accepted by most scholars. As far as the external elements are concerned, one can agree. But what about the core of the story itself? ln this respect opinions have certainly changed in the last ten to twenty years. If one uses the term ‘historical’ in connexion with unhistorical India, one should be clear about its real meaning. Naturally the feudal structure of society is an historical fact. The battle which the Aryan tribes had to wage against the indigenous tribes in their invasion of Hindustan was too important not to leave traces in later literature. But it was no longer felt as pure history. Instead it was transposed into a different environment. Hence the answer to the question of what is the real core of the story should be in mythological rather than historical terms. One should not look for political history in the story, but for tradition; no powerful princes of the past, but real heroes. In due course we shall try to determine what this means in greater detail. Here it may suffice to quote a few sentences from Charles Autran: «This tradition is always carried on more or less by the fame of the legend or the more or less contradictory fantasies of the myth. It has its divine or human figures which it likes to embody as ethical or cultural ideals. lt worships these as leaders. It sees in them incarnations of common memories, of protectors on the ever uncertain path of time. It jealously defends their memory against the continuous threat of oblivion. lt also rescues some impressive names from that past, either religious or magic, folkloristic or heroic. But among all this abundantly rich material one can hardly point to names or facts that could be fixed chronologically with any accuracy».

How true this is appears from a closer inspection of the character of the three Pandavas. As in all genuine epic poetry, they are types, unchanging, fixed. One is either a hero or a traitor. There is no progression or retrocession in regard to man’s inborn nature. When we consider Virgil not as the end of classical epic poetry that goes back to Homer, but as the forerunner of all epic poetry which appeared later, modern literature included, then it is precisely the characterization of pius Aeneas that is developed in the course of his poem, because he becomes conscious of his vocation! In the Iliad, however, as in the Song of Roland or in the Mahabharata, a hero is given the character he will have throughout the whole poem from the outset. Thus the action is sharply outlined owing to this clear characterization, and creates a situation in which the reader always knows how the characters will art in the various circumstances in which they are placed.

How are the Pandavas drawn? Yudhishthira is the chief of the five brothers. He is described as a more or less passive personality, who respects the law and is true to his word. He is the incamation of the idea of dharma, and for that reason he is the son of the god Dharma. Bhima, on the other hand, is a furious fighter. Armed withhis club, he undertakes the defence of the three brothers and saves them in the most difficult circumstances. Aryuna is not less brave a warrior, but he is armed with bow and arrow. He is considered as the son of the god lndra. Then there are the two youngest brothers, Nakula and Sahadeva. They remain entirely in the background. They are supposed to be twins, and so it is no wonder that tradition should take them to be the sons ofthe twin-gods: the Aśvins.

The Swedish scholar Stig Wikander was the first to realize the true significance of this remarkable characterization, basing his inquiries upon Georges Dumézil’s investigations into the structure of the world of Germanic gods. For Dumézil observed that the relationship between the chief gods corresponds with the social groupings in the world of men, where we find, in the scale of social importance and status, first of all the king and on the same level the Brahmans. Then follow the caste of warriors and, as the lowest group, the farmers and artisans. For the latter the main emphasis lies in fertility, and various gods are active in this field: particularly a series of goddesses, apart from the twins, the Aśvins. The awe-inspiring Indra appears as the god of the warrior-caste. But the upper layer – and that is the unique feature of the Aryan system – has two facets, for kingship has a double aspect: it is the guarantee of social order and of its laws, but it also takes the initiative for reform when matters have come to a standstill. In other words: on the one hand it has a sacral-religious character, but on the other it is of a dynamic-magic nature. lt should be borne in mind that this apparent antithesis resolves itself in an unbreakable unity: thus among the lndian gods there is the inseparable pair Mithra-Varuna.

When we compare the five Pandavas (why five?) with this scheme – which is preserved in a more or less pure form among all Indo-European nations – they appear to be in complete accordance with it. The wise, almost passive Yudhishthira and the frenzied fighter Bhima together correspond to the pair Mithra-Varuna. The noble and brave Aryuna represents the caste of warriors, and it goes without saying that the twins Nakula and Sahadeva who stay in the background are a replica of the Aśvins.

This detailed correspondence between the five Pandavas and the Aryan system of gods cannot, of course, be accidental. As we have already remarked, scholars in the past tried hard to uncover an historical core in the Mahabharata. The same applies to the history of prehistoric times about which Livy speaks in his first book. The kings Romulus and Remus, Numa Pompilius, Servius Tullius in fact never existed except as mythical figures. If one looks more closely at their characterization and their actions, the typical features that we have indicated for the five Indo-European main gods appear at once. Hence it is not really true to say that everything that is mythical is a later addition to the Indian epic. This is proved by the fact that an entirely different world of gods exists in the epic: here the much younger gods Vishnu and Shiva appear. Behind them another world of gods lies hidden, namely that of the gods that are worshipped in the hymns of the Veda, but now as it were camouflaged as mortal heroes. Stig Wikander is therefore right when he concluded that the mythical core is the oldest part, and everything that is historical or pseudo-historical is merely an enrichment with motifs that were necessary to give action to the epic.

The marriage of Draupadi with all five brothers has indeed given much offence and caused much difficulty. It was thought to be a typical example of polyandry, and the actual establishment of this form of marriage among some primitive tribes of Hindustan seemed to prove the point. With the bold imagination that sometimes also carries scholars away, the thesis was propounded that the five Pandavas did not belong to the royal family of the Kurus at all but were in fact of non-Aryan origin. Did then this powerful and very popular Indian epic prefer to have for its heroes representatives of the hostile and despised primitive inhabitants of Hindustan? Did the classic epic of the Indians, in which they liked to find the traces of their war of conquest for the peninsula, really place the main heroic figures in a conjugal relationship which ran counter to all Aryan customs and was bound to appear in the highest degree offensive? There is no question of a conjugal relationship between a mortal woman and a set of tive mortal brothers, but rather of a mythical symbol. Draupadi – as has now become plain – is the goddess of fertility, who herself belongs to the lowest and third level and so comes to be closely associated with the Aśvins. In mythical terms, she is the wife of both of them, their sister or their temptress, for in this varying form the myth can attempt to give shape to what can only be sensed as a mythical symbol. Perhaps I may recall the Irish representation: the direct relationship between king and country finds its expresion in the marriage of the king to Medb, the goddess of earth. Hence Draupadi likewise has a relationship with the two persons symbolizing royal power. But the more or less fluid figure of the earth-goddess Draupadi, reduced to suit the rigid scheme of an heroic epic, in her (mythically) natural relationship to the other gods becomes part of a form of marriage in which she is the wife of all Pandavas. This is a remarkable result of a svayamvara, in which an extremely brave charioteer is rejected as husband and a marriage with five men is accepted. In considering this enormity, one wonders whether the Indian audience still had any idea of the mythical background. At any rate it proves with what almost religious reverence the epic was accepted by the Indians.

This surprising result throws light not only on the genesis of the Mahabharata but also on that of the heroic epic in general. We shall come back to this later on. We shall now try to show that a similar origin is also very probable for the second large Indian epic, the Ramayana.

Tradition ascribes the Ramayana to the poet Valmiki, which probably means that he was the final author of this epic. The present version of about 24,000 ślokas, a quarter of that of the Mahabharata, is no more than the result of the enrichment of the old epic core (especially at the end) with much non-heroic, partly antiquarian subject-matter.

The poem begins with the story that King Dasharatha of Ayodhya has two wives. The one, Kausalya, bore him his elder son Rama, the other, Kaukeyi, a second son Bharata. When the king grows old he decides to hand over his government to Rama. But Kaukeyi, spurred on by her foster-mother, asks the king to honour a former promise. He had promised her to fulfil any two wishes. She now utters these: Rama must go into exile for fourteen years and Bharata will reign in his place. The king falls in a faint, overcome by grief. When Rama hears about all this, he insists that the king must keep his promise. He therefore decides to withdraw into the wood. His only companions are his faithful wife Sita, the daughter of Janaka, and his younger brother Lakshmana. Soon afterwards the king dies; Bharata, convinced that he has obtained the succession in an unjust way, visits his brother in the wood and tries to persuade him to return and to be king of Ayodhya. But Rama will not violate his father’s promise and firmly refuses. Bharata returns, but in order to show that he is only reigning in his brother’s stead, he places Rama’s sandals on the throne.

The further adventures of Rama and Sita form a typically romantic story. We shall recount it briefly. A Rakshasa abducts Sita when Rama and Lakshmana are absent and takes her to the capital of the island of Lanka, which was later taken to be Ceylon. Rama wants to try and free his wife from the power of the monster, and in this attempt he secures the help of an army of monkeys. The wise councillor of the monkeys, Hanuman, makes the success of the dangerous undertaking possible. The monkeys build a bridge to the island, and, in a fight that is described in copious detail, the Rakshasa is killed. Rama is now united again with Sita, who in the meantime has shown herself steadfastly faithful. The period of his exile has now expired. He returns to Ayodhya, where Bharata joyfully hands over the government to him. Leaving aside the long fight with the Rakshasa and considering only what may be called the core of the story, one gets the impression that it has not a very heroic character. The tone is noble and lofty. Rama’s exile, undertaken out of a sense of duty, as well as Bharata’s refusal to make use of his morher’s ruse, give evidence of a high moral standard, but this does not make for exciting action. The hearer is compensated, however, by the story of Rama’s adventures during his exile.

The poem was very successful. Not only did it become a source of inspiration for the whole of Indian literature, but it laid the foundation for Hinduism. It penetrated far beyond the Indian peninsula: for preference, the Wayang-play in Java still shows the adventures of Rama and Hanuman.

Because there is so little action in the original story of Rama and Bharata, one wonders whether one is justified in speaking of an heroic legend in the accepted sense of the word. A king’s son who for years has to give up the throne, a brother who has the magnanimity not to make a use of the fortune that is thrown into his lap, all this does not really contain the subject-matter of a genuine heroic action. It is more an example of high morality. Naturally people have tried to establish an historical background for it, and the epic was thought to reflect the struggle of the Aryans for the possession of the southem part of Hindustan, or even, which is still less acceptable, the struggle of the Brahmans against the Buddhists in Ceylon.

Chadwick remarks: “The story of Rama is of special interest as illustrating the growth of mythology”. However, the conception of Rama as the incarnation of Vishnu cannot be part of this growth, for it appears only in the latest part of the epic. It is true that the later gods Vishnu and Shiva tried to get a firm hold in the older epics, both in the Mahabharata and in the Ramayana, but they did not penetrate much beyond the periphery. Chadwick also holds that the equation of the heroine Sita with the goddess of agriculture of the same name is of later origin: a folklore element that was added later. But I cannot agree with this. First of all it is a very striking coincidence, that ‘accidentally’ the heroine and the goddes of vegetation bear the same name. And in addition that name is a word meaning ‘furrow’, and so is a name which fits a goddess of agriculture perfectly. How would the wife of Rama have obtained this strange name?

Scholars have often made conjectures about the mythical background of this poem, and have often tried to prove too much by wanting to explain everything. When the German scholar Jacobi alleges that, according to Indian tradition, Sita as goddess is the wife of Indra and then deduces from this that therefore Rama equals Indra, I feel bound to make a reservation. As the epic pictures the hero, he is certainly not an incarnation of Indra. On the contrary, he is, like Yudhishthira, the typical representative of the dharma. Also he is a pronounced royal type and not at all a ksatriya, a member of the warrior caste, whose patron Indra is. If I had to point to a mythical background, I should like to see in the marriage of Rama and Sita a parallel to that of the Irish king with Medb. Behind this we can still discern the ritual marriage of the god of heaven with the goddess of earth which must be solemnized ritually by the king in the furrow. In popular customs this rite survives for a long time: in the spring the farmer and his wife nimble about together in the field, a mild form of sexual intercourse which at one time took place on the sown field.

If, then, we take Rama to be the Mithra-half of the two gods of royal authority, we would expect Bharata to represent the Varuna-half. Was he originally the usurper who pushed his brother off the throne? But in the epic he is equally admirable as a model of the dharma: the sandals on the throne of Rama are the striking symbol of this. Right is above might.

Thus we leave the two Indian epics with the feeling that they are a remarkable variant of the general Indo-European type. Iliad, Chanson of Roland, Nibelungenlied, these belong to a different world, the Western world, while in Hindustan an Oriental mentality gained the upper hand in the epic. How, then, do matters stand with the second Aryan nation, which pitched its tents on the plateau of Iran?

Firdausi has come down to us as the poet of the mighty Persian epic: the Shalt-nama or the Book of Kings. He is an historically well-known figure; Firdausi is the pen-name of Abu ‘l-Kasim Mansut, who lived from about 932 to 1021. The epic contains no fewer than 6o,ooo couplets (here too we are struck by the gigantic size of the poem) and was dedicated to Mahmud, King of Ghazni (999 to 1032), who, however, did not apparently reward the poet for it as much as the latter expected. Yet it was a great honour that was done to the king. The Mohammedan dynasties which ensconced themselves on the Persian throne thought it of great value to be considered as the legitimate descendants of the old royal generations. In the splendid figures of pre-Mohammedan tradition, Mahmud liked to recognize his own ancestors.

However much epic material is included in the Book of Kings, it is fundamentally the history of a dynasty which reaches far back into the Persian past. The history of Persia up to the death of Khosru ll in 628 had been written down in the Kwadhainanamagh or Book of Princes which was probably written during the first years of Yazdgard III’s reign: after the year 632. After the conquest of Persia by the Mohammedans in 638, i.e. very soon after the composition of the Book of Princes, many translations of it were made into Arabic, several of which have now been lost. In the middle of the tenth century the Shah-nama was made, written in New-Persian prose. Tradition has it that Dakiki, the court poet of Bokhara, made a poetic version of it between 977 and 997, which, however, he did not complete himself. That was done by Firdausi, who, it is assumed, completed it in about 1010.

This purely literary and written text is therefore mainly historical in character, and is not to be put on a par with genuine heroic epic poetry such as we have encountered so far. The Book of Kings deals with the history of Yamsed up to the fall of the realm of the Sassanids, and so stretches from mythical times up to the end of Persian independence. But out of this series of kings there arises the true hero, Rustum the faithful servant, who cannot die but gives successive generations of rulers his indispensable help. His origins lie in the district of Scistan in South-East Iran, and he first plays a part in the reign of Minutshir. The war with the Turanian tribes in the North begins to assume a threatening character, and their King Afrasiab succeeds in putting an end no the Persian dynasty. Then Rustum brings Kaj Kavad from Elburz and has him crowned. The king lives for a hundred years and becomes the founder of the dynasty of the Kayanides. His successor is Kaj Kaus, an ambitious ruler, of whom the myth is told that he tried no fly to heaven with trained eagles: a borrowing from the Babylonian Etana myth, which is also reflected in the well-known story of Alexander’s flight to heaven. He is succeeded by Kaj Chosrev, who was brought up in a secret place and, like Hamlet, had to feign madness. The war with Turan flares up again, in which Rustum plays a large part. With King Lohrasp a new generation of kings begins in Balkh, the capital of Bactria. His son is Vistasp, in whose reign Zarathustra proclaimed his doctrine. Under his successor Isfandiar, Rustum appears once more on the scene after having to hand over his function of leader of the army to somebody else for a time. Isfandiar is invulnerable, except in the eye. Rustum has to flee from him, but he hears from the bird Simurg that there is a plant with which Isfandiar’s life is bound up. From this plant he makes an arrow and shoots Isfandiar in the eye. With this story we are entirely in the epic-mythical atmosphere. A hero’s one vulnerable spot where he can be killed is also known from the legends of Achilles and Siegfried; we are reminded particularly of the Irish legend of Balor, who likewise can only be killed in the eye, and the deadly plant is known from the Norse myth of Balder and the Finnish legend of Lemminkäinen.

The episode of the fight between Rustum and his son Sohrab is justly famous. We have already met the same motif in the German legend of Hildebrand and Hadubrand, in the Irish story of Cúchulainn, and we shall see it again in the Russians heroic legend of Ilya Murometch. It is undoubtedly an ancient motif, but the view that it was handed down from nation to nation and so would have spread from the Persians to the Irish via the Russians and the Germans is subject to serious objections. lt is especially the early appearance of it in Irish heroic poetry that is inconsistent with this view. I would be inclined to think rather of an Indo-European tale preserved by some, but not all, separate nations. Moreover it is evident that its origin was a myth.

Pressed into a royal genealogy and drawn out over several generations, the heroic legend of Rustum was never completely rounded off. Or perhaps it would be more correct to say that the original unity was broken up kaleidoscopically as a result of this treatment. At any rate, both in Persia and in India we find book epics, that is, written works of gigantic size such as the West has never produced. There is no doubt that this is the end ofa very long development which must have had its origin in oral popular epic poetry. This epic activity can be assumed to have gone on for about a thousand years for the Mahabharata. For the Ramayana it went on for at least eight hundred years. The tradition of Persia may be estimated at about four hundred years. lt has justly been remarked that narrative poetry must have already existed before Dakiki, from which the Shah-nama derived not only its metre but also its fixed formulae and stylistic elements.

No less remarkable is the story of Artachsir i Papakan. Artachsir is the grandson of Papak, governor of Pars. When he is fifteen years old he is called to the court by the king of Iran, Ardawan. Although he is there brought up honourably at first, he is degraded to stable-hand status as a result of a quarrel during a hunt. But one of Ardawan’s concubines discovers him and falls in love with him. She tells him of a dream the king has had which indicates that the throne will be transferred to a servant, who will escape from him within the next three days. Then the pair decide to flee. They take great treasures from the palace with them and ride away on horseback. This reminds us vividly of the story of Walter and Hiltgunt, who flee from the court of Attila in a similar fashion.

On the way two women hail him as the future ruler of Iran and advise him no ride westwards in the direction of the sea. When Ardawan discovers the flight the next day, he equips an army to pursue them. In the afternoon the learns from the inhabitants that Artachsir passed that way at sunset. At the next resting-place he is told that the fugitives passed there in the afternoon and that a ram walked behind them. But on the second day Ardawan learns from a caravan that they are twenty parasangs ahead of him and that a ram was sitting behind one of the riders. Ardawan now realizes the futility of his pursuit. For the ram which had joined Artachsir was the symbol of the majesty of kingship. It had turned from Ardawan to the young hero.

This story, which can already be found in a middle-Persian manuscript and which also occurs in Firdausi’s Book of Kings has as its main character the founder of the middle-Persian kingdom of the Sassanids in A.D. 226. Nöldeke observes in connexion with this legend that it is remarkable that such romantic tales were current about the founder of the realm whose history was known with such accuracy. Certainly remarkable, but no more so than in similar cases which will be mentioned later. Here we touch upon the problem of the transition of history to heroic legend which will be discussed more fully in Chapter 10.

* * *

Source: Jan de Vries, Heroic song and heroic legend, Oxford 1963, pp. 99-115.

The first political step in forging a united Europe would be the withdrawal of all European governments from the United Nations, a hypocritical organisation if there ever was.

The ground for a European initiative must be carefully prepared; but the problems of concrete political tactics fall outside the scope of this essay. Here we can only point to what we believe must be the form and the spiritual and doctrinal basis of united Europe.

‘Federalist’ and ‘associative’ solutions, economic and military co-operation— these are all the manifestation of presuppositions about the organic character of Europe (or the lack of it). The condition of a truly European entity must be the binding force of an idea and tradition with which Europe is irrevocably linked. Some argue that the nation state, being not divinely ordained but the creation of determined groups successfully rising to a historical challenge, is a model for the merging European nation. According to this view the spiritual precondition for a united Europe exists in the myth of a common destiny defended by the ‘national revolutionary’ groups of Europe. This view is inadequate. The birth of the European nations was largely the work of dynasties representing a tradition of loyalty to a particular crown. In any case, the factors which created the European nations have been the very ones which have maintained European disunity from the Hundred Years War to the present day.

Among those who possess a spiritual and traditional understanding of Europe we can distinguish between those who believe in an Imperium of the kind referred to above, and those who talk of Europe as a nation. The concept of nationhood is in my opinion inappropriate. The notion of European unity is spiritual and supranational. Homeland nation, ethnic group subsist at an essentially naturalistic ‘physical’ level. Europe (Europa una) should be something more than this. The old nationalisms and resentments are only grafted onto Europe when a particular national domination is imposed by one nation upon the rest of Europe. The European Imperium will belong to a higher order than the parts which compose it, and to be European should be conceived as being something qualitatively different from being Italian, Prussian, Basque, Finnish, Scottish or Hungarian, something which appeals to a different aspect of our character. A European nation implies the levelling and cancelling of all ‘rival’ nations in or beyond Europe.

So far as ‘European culture’ is concerned it is these days the stamping-ground of the pragmatic European, the liberal, humanist intellectual. His ‘European culture’ is an appendage of ‘democracy’ and the ‘Free World’. In this sense ‘culture’ is the stock-in-trade of the so-called ‘aristocrat of thought’, in reality the clothing of the parvenu, his badge of success. A genuine aristocracy of the intellect would not in any case be adequate for the task in hand; the re-animation of the European will and the sustaining of a revolutionary elite who could make this a political possibility. What is more, every time that we try to give the notion of ‘European culture’ concrete significance, we seem to run up against innumerable ‘interpretations’ which leave us with nothing conclusive at all. Everyone has their own idea about what European culture is and many Europeans feel reticent or even guilty about championing it and so the parvenus can speculate to their hearts’ content in the reviews and colour supplements about all the latest developments in this or that field of art in such a way that ‘culture’ becomes entirely divorced from the ‘serious world’, from what matters. Ironically, much of what the defenders of culture admire plays a major role in helping to bring about a spiritual crisis and lack of confidence in European culture.

The ‘Westernisation’ of the world has meant that this decomposition extends across the world—thus Europe, from illuminism to communism has become the breeding ground of the very forces which work to destroy everything which is specifically European.

We must create a ‘unity of fighters’. That is a pre-requisite. To set a vision of the world and of Europe aside as ‘irrelevant’ would be to sink into the morass of political partisan politics, a cynical affair without identity, without spiritual meaning. A united Europe, without a communal spiritual identity and sense of direction would become just one more power block. In what way would such a United States of Europe be spiritually distinct from the United States of America or China or be anything nobler than the organisation of African Unity? Europe must not be a stage towards the Westernisation of the world but a move against it, in fact a revolt against the modern world in favour of what is nobler, higher, more truly human.

A foreign sun, leaving his heart
map of navigation, diamond artery,
for oriental destination and fine rivers,
vibrant at the motion of water
and graphic stone like the surfaces of molluscs.

And then, the flourishing notes in modern-ancient alphabet
and the learned swing of page in page
with archaic league
Ezra Pound, the meteor engraving
the venerated and whitened ocean.

And which better funeral ceremony
could give you the Italy’s people,
if not that it’s happened, in Venice,
with the flowered boat guided in lagoon,
the oar of strength beating on the wave,
the decorated wood for the last voyage
between the bridges of the poetry and the Renaissance?

And also, the respecting and the silent people
between the attractive beauties of the architectures
and the homage of the generations that have drunk at your “Cantos”.

The ancient and won ashes of your bones, that are going…
and the usury in use that remains
and against which your anger has hurled
for the vile money kept in the banks.

Omero, Dante and Ovidio, your first readings,
happened in Europe, were holding your oar
and the verses in the waves that by the blow open themselves
making rings that are dilating
towards new resonant horizon.

The diary of the last dreams, the inner sufferings,
the cultures and the races, in your new vision
for which the doctors would see “the incapacity to understand and to want”.

Thomas Eliot told for you “the best smith”,
for the emotional burst and the creative energy,
the moulded language, the extensive culture
in the mosaic of the poetic tesserae, the ancient and the modern of them.

The sublime beauty of Venice, therefore, was
with your invoked pureness in the prayer to God
such as in your “Sacred Nightly Litany”.
The magic atmosphere
where you’ve wished to include yourself, aloof
in the exile of Liguria, comeback foreign wing
to the fury of the world.

River of ecstasy, therefore, and a current
of the conscience and of the consciousness,
a whirl of a feeling and rebellion,
with courageous and troubled word.

The incitation, so,
for persons or masks to resurrect
and to give again a sense to the life,
fallen down “in the rapid grimace” of your present,
and of our continuation,
made languid of intelligence and fruits,
and ready to show you the mistake, to turn you the face
but not to understand the greatness of the poetry
and the projection, from the last fight a time,
that now has new light, revived.

(english translation by Ettore Mosciàno)